英語の「強姦」という単語は、最終的にはラテン語の動詞rapio、rapere、raptus、「奪う、連れ去る、拉致する」に由来する（英語のrapt、rapture、raptorを参照）。ローマ法では、raptusまたはraptioは主に誘拐または拉致を意味した。[65]神話上のサビニの女たちの強姦は、性的暴行が二次的な問題である花嫁誘拐の一種である。未婚の少女を父親の家庭から「誘拐」することは、カップルが父親の結婚許可を得ずに駆け落ちすることである場合もあった。英語の意味での強姦は、暴力または強制（cum viまたはper vim ）によって犯されるstuprumとして表現されることが多かった。共和政末期に暴力に関する法律が成文化されると、raptus ad stuprum、「性犯罪を犯す目的での誘拐」が法的区別として現れた。[66]（強姦に関するさらなる議論については、以下の「男性に対する強姦」および「強姦と法律」を参照。）
強姦された男性は、売春をしたり、性行為で自ら受け役を担ったりした男性が被る法的または社会的地位の喪失（インファミア）を免れた。 [269]法学者ポンポニウスによれば、「戦時中に強盗や敵の力で強姦された男性（vi praedonum vel hostium）は、いかなる汚名も被るべきではない」。[270]軍事的敗北後の集団強姦の恐れは、男性と女性の潜在的な被害者に等しく及んだ。[271]
共和制時代の文献資料では強姦は不当であり、厳しく処罰されたことは明らかであるが、強姦が犯罪として起訴される法令は、おそらく紀元前40年代のユリウス・カエサルの独裁政権の時代に遡る、ユリウス法（Lex Iulia de vi publica）が可決されるまで不明である。 [422]ローマには国家検察官がおらず、法律の専門知識と弁論能力を持つ市民であれば誰でも起訴することができた。共和制では解放された女性が刑事訴追を認められていたため、[423]強姦被害者が自ら強姦者を告訴することも考えられた。そうでなければ、被害者の父親や夫、あるいは適切と判断する者であれば誰でも起訴することができた。強姦には時効はなかったが、アウグストゥス帝の下で犯罪とされた姦通は、5年以内に起訴されなければならなかった。[422]強姦は死刑に値する罪であった。[422]
カトゥルスの叙事詩[481]では、新婚初夜は、客の滑稽で卑猥な歌で味付けされた、熟したエロティシズムの時として描かれている。「心の中を見て」と詩人は「あなたの夫が豪華に飾られたベッドに横たわり、あなたに完全に身を委ねている」という「親密な炎」に燃える花嫁に助言する。夫は「善きヴィーナス」が自分を祝福してくれたことを思い出す。なぜなら、彼は今や自分が望むものを公然と望むことができ、「善き愛」を隠す必要がないからだ。夫婦は好きなように楽しむよう奨励される(ludite ut lubet)。目標はすぐに子供を作ることである。
共和政ローマの崩壊後、道徳立法はローマ初代皇帝アウグストゥスによる新しい政治秩序の一部となった。紀元前18年に可決された姦通に関する法律は、アウグストゥスの政治的権威を強化し、最近の内戦を受けてより厳格な社会階層を成文化しながら、伝統的な社会規範であるmos maiorum を回復するという計画の一部であった。古風な価値観への訴えは、トップダウンのワンマン統治による共和政ローマの参加型政治制度の急進的な転覆を覆い隠した。[495]姦通に関するユリウス法 ( Lex Iulia de adulteriis ) は、婚外関係を持った既婚女性を処罰することを目的としていた。学者たちはしばしば、Lex Iulia は共和政ローマ後期の姦通の猛烈な発生に対処するためのものであったと推測している。20世紀初頭の男性中心主義的な見方では、ユリア法は「女性の独立心と無謀さが増すのを阻止する非常に必要な手段」であったと考えられていた。[496] 20世紀後半から21世紀初頭にかけてのより同情的な見方では、恋愛は、政治的な目的で取り決められた結婚の外で、知的で自立したエリート層の女性たちが感情的に意味のある関係を築く手段であるとされた。[497]しかし、そのような不倫の流行は存在しなかった可能性もある。この法律は、社会を脅かす実際の問題に対処するものではなく、国家、ひいてはアウグストゥス自身をローマ全体の家長の役割に押し上げた、アウグストゥスが行使した社会統制の手段の1つとして理解されるべきかもしれない。[498]
男性は肛門に挿入されると「女性のように受け入れる」（muliebria pati 、「女性らしいことをする」）と言われていたが、男性が女性にアナルセックスをすると、女性は少年の役割を果たしていると考えられていた。 [600]たとえば、マルティアルは、アナルセックスは女性よりも少年との方が良いと強調している。彼の妻が、彼の貞操を守るためにアナルセックスをすることに反対すると、彼は、少年の肛門と比べて彼女の肛門は劣っていると彼女を嘲笑する。[601] [602]
マクロビウスは、キプロス島で崇拝されていた「ヴィーナス」（アフロディーテ）の男性形について記述している。彼女はひげと男性器を持っていたが、女性の服を着ていた。この神の崇拝者は異性装をし、男性は女性の服を着、女性は男性の服を着た。[672]ラテン詩人ラエウィウスは、女性であろうと男性であろうと（sive femina sive mas）「養育するヴィーナス」を崇拝することについて書いた。[673]この像はアフロディートスと呼ばれることもあった。現存するギリシャとローマの彫刻のいくつかの例には、彼女は「衣服を引き上げる」という意味のギリシャ語の動詞anasyromaiから派生した姿勢のanasyrmeneで描かれている。[674]愛の女神は衣服を持ち上げて男性的な属性である男性器を露出させており、この仕草は伝統的に魔除けや魔法の力を持っていた。[675]
^共和政末期までは、浴場は女性用に別の棟や施設を用意していたか、女性と男性が別々の時間に入浴できるスケジュールを設けていたと思われる。共和政末期から後期帝政におけるキリスト教の台頭まで、混浴の明確な証拠がある。一部の学者は、男性と一緒に入浴するのは下層階級の女性、または芸能人や売春婦などの不名誉な女性だけだと考えていたが、アレクサンドリアのクレメンスは、最高階級の女性が浴場で裸で見られても構わないと観察している。ハドリアヌスは混浴を禁止したが、この禁止令は長続きしなかったようである。つまり、習慣は時代や場所だけでなく、施設によっても異なっていた。Garrett G. Fagan, Bathing in Public in the Roman World (University of Michigan Press, 1999, 2002) pp. 26–27を参照。
^「ローマ人の性行為は、キリスト教が興隆して以来、西洋では決して良い報道がなされていない。一般大衆の想像や文化では、性的放縦や性的虐待と同義である」：Beert C. Verstraete および Provencal, Vernon 編『古代ギリシャ・ローマと古典的伝統における同性愛の欲望と愛』 （Haworth Press、2005 年）、5 ページ。ローマ人の性的退廃に対する現代の認識が初期キリスト教の論争にまで遡ることができるという詳しい議論については、Alastair J. L. Blanshard 著「ローマの悪徳」『古代から現代までの性行為と愛』（Wiley-Blackwell、2010 年）、1 ～ 88 ページを参照。
^スエトニウスの批判によると、ホラティウスの生涯: Ad res Venerias intemperantior traditur;ナム・スペキュラート・キュビキュロ・スコルタ・ディシトゥール・ハブイッセ・ディスポジタ、UT quocumque respexisset ibi ei imago coitus Referretur ;クラーク、p. 92.
^スエトニウス『ティベリウスの生涯』 44.2、クラーク、92～93ページ。
^ ab Potter (2009)、329ページ。
^ Potter (2009)、330ページ。アウソニウスがキリスト教徒であったことに疑問の余地はないが、彼の著作には、彼が伝統的なローマやケルトの宗教の実践者ではなかったとしても、少なくとも興味を持ち続けていたことを示す多くの兆候が含まれている。
^ Iter amoris、「旅」または「愛の行程」。プロペルティウス3.15.3–6 を参照。オウィディウス、Fasti 3.777–778。ミシェル・ジョージ、「トーガの「ダークサイド」」、Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (University of Toronto Press、2008)、p. 55。ロバート・E・A・パーマー、「Mutinus Titinus: A Study in Etrusco-Roman Religion and Topography」、Roman Religion and Roman Empire: Five Essays (University of Pennsylvania Press、1974)、pp. 187–206 では、ムトゥヌス・ツトゥヌスはリーベルの崇拝に取り込まれたと主張した。アウグスティヌス、De civitate Dei 7.21 では、ファルスはリベラリア祭で作物からの悪意ある影響を撃退するために使用された神聖な物体であると述べた。
^Pliny, Natural History 28.4.7 (28.39), says that when a general celebrated a triumph, the Vestals hung an effigy of the fascinus on the underside of his chariot to protect him from invidia.
^Clarke, pp. 46–47.
^ a b c dLanglands, p. 30.
^Barbette Stanley Spaeth, The Roman Goddess Ceres (University of Texas Press, 1996), pp. 115–116, citing Festus (87 in the edition of Müller) on the torch and noting that priestesses devoted to Ceres in North Africa took a vow of chastity like that of the Vestals (Tertullian, Ad uxorem 1.6 Oehler). Ovid notes that Ceres is pleased by even small offerings, as long as they are casta (Fasti 4.411–412). Statius says that Ceres herself is casta (Silvae 4.311). The goddess's concern with castitas may have to do with her tutelary function over boundaries, including the transition between life and death, as in the mystery religions.
^H.H.J. Brouwer, Bona Dea: The Sources and a Description of the Cult (Brill, 1989), pp. 367–367, note 319.
^Mueller, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, p. 51; Susanne William Rasmussen, Public Portents in Republican Rome («L'Erma» di Bretschneider, 2003), p. 41.
^Wildfang, Rome's Vestal Virgins, p. 82 et passim.
^The sources on this notorious incident are numerous; Brouwer, Bona Dea, p. 144ff., gathers the ancient accounts.
^Bruce W. Frier and Thomas A. J. McGinn, A Casebook on Roman Family Law (Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 38 and 52.
^Richlin (1983), p. 30.
^Stuprum cum vi or per vim stuprum: Richlin (1993), p. 562.
^ a b cFantham, p. 118.
^Diana C. Moses, "Livy's Lucretia and the Validity of Coerced Consent in Roman Law," in Consent and Coercion to Sex and Marriage in Ancient and Medieval Societies (Dunbarton Oaks, 1993), p. 50; Gillian Clark, Women in Late Antiquity: Pagan and Christian Life-styles (Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 36.
^Moses, "Livy's Lucretia," pp. 50–51.
^Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation (University of Chicago Press, 1986, 1992), p. xliff.
^Matthew W. Dickie, Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World (Routledge, 2003), p. 16.
^Dickie, Magic and Magicians, p. 36. Defixiones are also known as curse tablets; erotic prohibitions are only one form of defixio.
^Richard Gordon, "Innovation and Authority in Graeco-Egyptian Magic," in Kykeon: Studies in Honour of H. S. Versnel (Brill, 2002), p. 72.
^Christopher A. Faraone, "Agents and Victims: Constructions of Gender and Desire in Ancient Greek Love Magic," in The Sleep of Reason, p. 410.
^Marcellus's work was "the last major compilation [of medical treatments] written in Gaul based on the work of ancient and contemporary Greek authors", notes Bonnie Effros, Creating Community with Food and Drink in Merovingian Gaul (Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 55. Marcellus names the father of Ausonius in his preface.
^Ut eunuchum sine ferro facias, "how you make a eunuch without the iron (blade)": Marcellus of Bordeaux, De medicamentis
^Marcellus, De medicamentis 33.64.
^Marcellus, De medicamentis 33.64; compare Pliny the Elder, Natural History 25.75 (37).
^Riddle, Contraception and Abortion from the Ancient World to the Renaissance, p. 91, noting that Marcellus "does not appear expertly knowledgeable about...women and fertility".
^The Paignia of Democritus, PGM 7.167–186, as cited by James N. Davidson, "Don't Try This at Home: Pliny's Salpe, Salpe's Paignia and Magic," Classical Quarterly 45.2 (1995), p. 591.
^Pliny, Natural History 28.262, crediting Salpe the obstetrician, as cited by Davidson, "Don't Try This at Home," p. 591.
^Translation from Brown, p. 151, of Lucretius, De rerum natura, 4.1073–1085: Nec Veneris fructu caret is qui vitat amorem, sed potius quae sunt sine poena commoda sumit; nam certe purast sanis magis inde voluptas quam miseris. etenim potiundi tempore in ipso fluctuat incertis erroribus ardor amantum nec constat quid primum oculis manibusque fruantur. quod petiere, premunt arte faciuntque dolorem corporis et dentes inlidunt saepe labellis osculaque adfligunt, quia non est pura voluptas et stimuli subsunt qui instigant laedere id ipsum quodcumque est, rabies unde illaec germina surgunt.
^Stuart Gillespie and Philip Hardie, introduction to The Cambridge Companion to Lucretius (Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 12.
^A scholiast gives an example of an unnatural and unnecessary desire as acquiring crowns and setting up statues for oneself; see J.M. Rist, Epicurus: An Introduction (Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 116–119.
^Philip Hardie, "Lucretius and Later Latin Literature in Antiquity," in The Cambridge Companion to Lucretius, p. 121, note 32.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura, 4.1030–57
^Brown, pp. 62–63.
^Brown, pp. 63, 181–182.
^Brown, p. 64.
^Brown, p. 65. Epicurus taught that the soul was a thin tissue of atoms that dissipated into the cosmos upon death; therefore, there is no afterlife and no reason for mortals to live with anxieties about what happens after death.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1053–1054
^Brown, p. 123.
^ a bBrown, pp. 65–66.
^ a bBrown, p. 67.
^ a bBrown, p. 66.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1209–1277
^Brown, p. 69.
^David Sedley, Lucretius and the Transformation of Greek Wisdom (Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 195–196.
^ a b cBrown, p. 68.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1144ff.
^Brown, p. 193.
^Phebe Lowell Bowditch, Horace and the Gifty Economy of Patronage (University of California Press, 2001), p. 215.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1076ff.
^Brown, p. 217.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1058, 1073, 1084
^Brown, p. 227.
^Fredrick, p. 105. The "true" gods as conceived by Epicureans bear little resemblance to those found in mythological literature; they don't concern themselves with mortals, much less have sexual relations with them, and dwell in a state of detachment and ideal pleasure.
^Brown, pp. 69ff.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1278–1287; Gordon, "Some Unseen Monster," p. 105.
^Gordon, "Some Unseen Monster," pp. 90–94.
^ a b cRichlin, Amy, ed. (2008). Marcus Aurelius in Love. University of Chicago Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-226-71302-1.
^Colish, p. 39, pointing out that to the early Stoics, "sexual needs may therefore be met in whatever manner pleases the individual, including prostitution, incest, masturbation, and homosexuality."
^Gaca, p. 89. Gaca (p. 60) emphasizes that Seneca and Musonius, while highly influential among the Romans, were "unrepresentative" of the Stoic tradition in general.
^William Loader, Sexuality and the Jesus Tradition (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2005), p. 186. The relation of Stoic sexual ethics to the formation of Christian sexual ethics is a much-discussed topic of scholarship, but mainstream Christianity regarded celibacy as ideal and sex as inherently sinful, redeemed somewhat if occurring within marriage; see Nussbaum, p. 308. See also Colish.
^Martha Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in Hellenistic Ethics (Princeton University Press, 1994, 2009), pp. 359–401.
^Prudence Allen, The Concept of Woman: The Aristotelian Revolution, 750 BC–AD 1250 (Eden Press, 1985), p. 159.
^Nussbaum, p. 299. Musonius wrote in Greek under Roman rule; Seneca was a Latin author from Roman Spain.
^Nussbaum, p. 300.
^Colish, pp. 37–38.
^Gretchen Reydams-Schils, The Roman Stoics: Self, Responsibility, and Affection (University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 151.
^Nussbaum, pp. 307–308.
^Nussbaum, p. 308.
^"Bare pleasure" is psilên hêdonên; Nussbaum, p. 309.
^Reydams-Schils, The Roman Stoics, p. 152.
^Gaca, p. 87.
^ a bGaca, p. 111.
^Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 147–148.
^Gaca, p. 111, citing Ad Helviam 13.3: "If one thinks that sexual lust is given to a man not for the purpose of pleasure but for propagating the human race, then all other lust will pass him by unscathed, since the destructive force insidiously fixed in the innards does not violently harm him" (si cogitas libidinem non voluptatis causa homini datam, sed propagandi generis, quem no violaverit hoc secretum et infixum visceribus ipsis exitium, omnis alia cupiditas intactum praeteribit).
^Gaca, p. 112, citing Seneca, De matrimonio 188 (edition of Frassinetti, as excerpted by Jerome, Against Jovinianus 319a.
^Gaca, p. 89.
^ a bGaca, p. 112.
^A view of Epictetus as quoted by Marcus Aurelius, 4.41: "You are a little soul carrying a corpse around, as Epictetus used to say."
^Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 6.13, as translated by Hard and cited by Reydams-Schils, The Roman Stoics, p. 36.
^Seneca, Natural Questions 1.16, as discussed by Reydams-Schils, The Roman Stoics, p. 112.
^Juvenal, Satire 2.8–10, 15–17, as cited by Potter (2009), p. 340, with further references to her more in-depth discussions of Juvenal's portrayal in other studies.
^Richlin (1993), p. 542, citing Martial 1.24, 1.96, 2.36, 6.56, 7.58, 9.27, and 12.42.
^Gaca, pp. 60, 92.
^Colish, p. 320.
^Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods 2.64. Isidore of Seville says similarly that Saturn "cut off the genitalia of his father Caelus, because nothing is born in the heavens from seeds" (Etymologies 9.11.32). Jane Chance, Medieval Mythography: From Roman North Africa to the School of Chartres, A.D. 433–1177 (University Press of Florida, 1994), pp. 27 and 142.
^McGinn (1998), p. 326. See the statement preserved by Aulus Gellius 9.12. 1 that " it was an injustice to bring force to bear against the body of those who are free" (vim in corpus liberum non aecum ... adferri).
^Elaine Fantham, "The Ambiguity of Virtus in Lucan's Civil War and Statius' Thebiad," Arachnion 3
^Bell, Andrew J. E. (1997). "Cicero and the Spectacle of Power". The Journal of Roman Studies. 87: 1–22 (9). doi:10.2307/301365. JSTOR 301365.
^Edwin S. Ramage, “Aspects of Propaganda in the De bello gallico: Caesar’s Virtues and Attributes,” Athenaeum 91 (2003) 331–372; Myles Anthony McDonnell, Roman manliness: virtus and the Roman Republic (Cambridge University Press, 2006) passim; Rhiannon Evans, Utopia Antiqua: Readings of the Golden Age and Decline at Rome (Routledge, 2008), pp. 156–157.
^Potter (2009), p. 329. The law began to specify harsher punishments for the lower classes (humiliores) than for the elite (honestiores).
^This is a theme throughout Carlin A. Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster (Princeton University Press, 1993).
^Flagiti principium est nudare inter civis corpora: Ennius, as quoted by Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 4.33.70
^Williams, pp. 64 and 292, note 12
^Younger, p. 134
^Simon Goldhill, introduction to Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 2. Originally, flagitium meant a public shaming, and later more generally a disgrace; Fritz Graf, "Satire in a Ritual Context," in The Cambridge Companion to Roman Satire (Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 195–197.
^ a bHabinek, p. 39.
^ a bCrowther, Nigel B. (1980). "Nudity and Morality: Athletics in Italy". Classical Journal. 76 (2): 119–123. JSTOR 3297374.
^Julia Heskel, "Cicero as Evidence for Attitudes to Dress in the Late Republic," in The World of Roman Costume (University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), p. 138
^ a b cBonfante, Larissa (1989). "Nudity as a Costume in Classical Art". American Journal of Archaeology. 93 (4): 543–570. doi:10.2307/505328. JSTOR 505328.
^Ovid, Fasti 2.283–380.
^Carole E. Newlands, Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti (Cornell University Press, 1995), pp. 59–60.
^ a bWilliams, pp. 69–70.
^Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (University of Michigan Press, 1988), p. 5ff.
^Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, pp. 239–240, 249–250 et passim.
^Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, p. 6.
^Clarke, p. 84
^David J. Mattingly, Imperialism, Power, and Identity: Experiencing the Roman Empire (Princeton University Press, 2011), p. 106.
^Hallett, p. 215.
^Plan of the Forum Augustum (in yellow)Dominic Montserrat, "Reading Gender in the Roman World," in Experiencing Rome: Culture, Identity, and Power in the Roman Empire (Routledge, 2000), pp. 168–170 (quotation on p. 169), citing also Barbara Kellum, "The Phallus as Signifier: The Forum of Augustus and Rituals of Masculinity," in Sexuality in Ancient Art (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 170–173, and "Concealing/Revealing: Gender and the Play of Meaning in the Monuments of Ancient Rome," in Habinek, p. 170. "Such readings of major Roman public building projects may seem fanciful, born out of the late twentieth-century fascination which wishes to see everything refracted through its prism," Montserrat notes (p. 170)
^Fredrick, pp. 248–249. The idea is that the plan would have a apotropaic function mimicking on a grand scale the local effect of the bulla or fascinum.
^Fredrick, p. 156.
^Mattingly, Imperialism, Power, and Identity, p. 106.
^Martial, 11.15.8ff., with 48 usages throughout his epigrams
^ a bAdams, p. 9.
^Cicero, Ad familiares 9.22
^It is the most common word for "penis" in the poetry of Catullus, appearing eight times; Adams, pp. 10–11.
^Eighteen times in inscriptions from Pompeii, thrice in the Graffiti del Palatino, and 26 times in the Priapea; Adams, pp. 10, 12.
^Adams, p. 13. Verpa appears once each in Catullus (28.12), Martial (11.46.2), and the Priapea (34.5). As a term of vulgar Latin, it appears frequently in graffiti (Adams, pp. 12–13).
^ a b c d e fHodges, Frederick M. (2001). "The Ideal Prepuce in Ancient Greece and Rome: Male Genital Aesthetics and Their Relation to Lipodermos, Circumcision, Foreskin Restoration, and the Kynodesme"(PDF). Bulletin of the History of Medicine. 75 (Fall 2001). Johns Hopkins University Press: 375–405. doi:10.1353/bhm.2001.0119. PMID 11568485. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
^Adams, pp. 14–17, 23, 28.
^Adams, p. 24.
^Adams, pp. 35–38.
^Adams, pp. 35–36.
^Marcellus, De medicamentis 7.20, 33.2, 33.36
^Adams, p. 36.
^Adams, p. 39.
^Adams, p. 67.
^Joshua T. Katz, "Testimonia Ritus Italicus: Male Genitalia, Solemn Declarations, and a New Latin Sound Law," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 98 (1998) 183–217 (quotation from p. 193), pointing to the oaths in the Book of Genesis, chapters 24 and 47; the testicles of ritually slaughtered animals used to affirm testimony in Athenian murder trials, as at Demosthenes, Contra Aristocratem 23.67f.; Rhetorica ad Herennium 3.33, where ram's testicles are a mnemonic device in a courtroom exercise. Katz proposes that the Umbrianhapaxurfeta means "testicles" and is related to Latin orbis (as "balls"); thus the Iguvine Tables also make a connection between testicles and "solemn declarations" (Katz, p. 191).
^ a bKatz, "Testimonia Ritus Italicus," p. 189.
^Richlin (1993), pp. 546–547.
^Adams, p. 66.
^ a b c d e f g hRubin, Jody P. (July 1980). "Celsus' Decircumcision Operation: Medical and Historical Implications". Urology. 16 (1). Elsevier: 121–124. doi:10.1016/0090-4295(80)90354-4. PMID 6994325. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
^ a b c
Circumcised barbarians, along with any others who revealed the glans penis, were the butt of ribald humor. For Greek art portrays the foreskin, often drawn in meticulous detail, as an emblem of male beauty; and children with congenitally short foreskins were sometimes subjected to a treatment, known as epispasm, that was aimed at elongation.
— Jacob Neusner, Approaches to Ancient Judaism, New Series: Religious and Theological Studies (1993), p. 149, Scholars Press.
^Juvenal 14.103–104; Tacitus, Historia 5.5.1–2; Martial 7.30.5, 7.35.3–4, 7.82.5–6, 11.94; Margaret Williams, "Jews and Jewish Communities in the Roman Empire," in Experiencing Rome: Culture, Identity and Power in the Roman Empire (Routledge, 2000), p. 325
^Smallwood, p. 431
^Jack N. Lightstone, "Roman Diaspora Judaism," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 362.
^Eric Orlin, "Urban Religion in the Middle and Late Republic", pp. 63–64, and John Scheid, "Sacrifices for Gods and Ancestors", p. 268, in A Companion to Roman Religion.
^Dunn, James D. G. (Autumn 1993). "Echoes of Intra-Jewish Polemic in Paul's Letter to the Galatians". Journal of Biblical Literature. 112 (3). Society of Biblical Literature: 459–477. doi:10.2307/3267745. JSTOR 3267745.; Dunn, James D. G., ed. (2007). "'Neither circumcision nor uncircumcision, but...'". The New Perspective on Paul: Collected Essays. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament. Vol. 185. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. pp. 314–330. ISBN 978-3-16-149518-2.
^Thiessen, Matthew (2016). "Gentile Sons and Seed of Abraham". Paul and the Gentile Problem. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 105–115. ISBN 978-0-19-027175-6.
^Bisschops, Ralph (January 2017). "Metaphor in Religious Transformation: 'Circumcision of the Heart' in Paul of Tarsus" (PDF). In Chilton, Paul; Kopytowska, Monika (eds.). Language, Religion and the Human Mind. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 1–30. doi:10.1093/oso/9780190636647.003.0012. ISBN 978-0-19-063664-7. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
^Paul of Tarsus, Galatians 4:21–5:1
^Elliott, Susan M. (1999). "Choose Your Mother, Choose Your Master: Galatians 4:21–5:1 in the Shadow of the Anatolian Mother of the Gods". Journal of Biblical Literature. 118 (4): 661–683 (680–681). doi:10.2307/3268109. JSTOR 3268109.
^"The Rhetorical Situation Revisited: Circumcision and Castration," in Cutting Too Close for Comfort: Paul’s Letter to the Galatians in Its Anatolian Cultic Context (T&T Clark International, 2003) passim.
^Lightstone, "Roman Diaspora Judaism," p. 363.
^Several Greco-Roman writers, such as Strabo, regarded the Jews as of Egyptian descent, in what was apparently their understanding of the Exodus. Schafer (1997), pp. 93–94.
^Smallwood, p. 430
^Schafer (1997), pp. 93–94.
^Schafer (1997), p. 99.
^A. G. Francis, "On a Romano-British Castration Clamp Used in the Rites of Cybele," Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 19 (1926) 95–110.
^Valérie GItton-Ripoll, "Entre archéologie et littérature: le boutoir et le forfex," Pallas 101 (2016), pp. 88–91.
^Barbier, Patrick (1989). The World of the Castrati: The History of an Extraordinary Operatic Phenomenon. Translated by Crosland, Margaret; Souvenir Press (London). France: Editions Grasset and Fasquelle. p. 167.
^Williams, pp. 251–252, citing Suetonius, Life of Nero.
^Schäfer (2003), p. 150, Schafer (1997), p. 103, pointing out this depends on a single note in the Historia Augusta, the historical credibility of which is often cast in doubt. Cassius Dio mentions nothing about circumcision in his account of the Bar Kokhba revolt. See also Smallwood, pp. 430–431, who thinks the ban makes more sense as a punitive measure after the revolt, since it "ran completely counter to the long established Roman policy of guaranteeing Jewish religious liberty."
^Schäfer (2003), p. 150
^Smallwood, p. 467.
^Smallwood, p. 470.
^Schafer (1997), p. 103
^Smallwood, p. 469, takes Origen as meaning that circumcision was "a solely Jewish rite" by his time.
^Schäfer (2003), p. 185.
^ a b c d e fSchultheiss, Dirk; Truss, Michael C.; Stief, Christian G.; Jonas, Udo (1998). "Uncircumcision: A Historical Review of Preputial Restoration". Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery. 101 (7). Lippincott Williams & Wilkins: 1990–8. doi:10.1097/00006534-199806000-00037. PMID 9623850. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
^Dugan, pp. 404–405. Galen's theory is based on that of Aristotle.
^Galen, De semine 1.16.30–32 (4.588 Kühn = De Lacy 1992, 138–41).
^Dugan, p. 406.
^Ann Ellis Hanson, "The Restructuring of Female Physiology at Rome," in Les écoles médicales à Rome (Université de Nantes, 1991), p. 267, citing Priapea 78 and CIL 12.6721(5), one of the Perusineglandes.
^Martial 6.82, Juvenal 6.73, 379; J.P. Sullivan, Martial, the Unexpected Classic (Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 189
^Schafer (1997), p. 101
^Peter J. Ucko, "Penis Sheaths: A Comparative Study," in Material Culture: Critical Concepts in the Social Sciences (Routledge, 2004), p. 260.
^The Greek word for the involuntary discharge of semen was gonorrhea. Dugan, pp. 403–404.
^Edwards, pp. 63–64.
^Edwards, p. 47.
^The case, which nearly shipwrecked Clodius' political career, is discussed at length by his biographer, W. Jeffrey Tatum, The Patrician Tribune: Publius Clodius Pulcher (University of North Carolina Press, 1999), p. 62ff.
^P. Clodius, a crocota, a mitra, a muliebribus soleis purpureisque fasceolis, a strophio, a psalterio, a flagitio, a stupro est factus repente popularis: Cicero, the speech De Haruspicium Responso 21.44, delivered May 56 BC, and given a Lacanian analysis by Eleanor Winsor Leach, “Gendering Clodius,” Classical World 94 (2001) 335–359.
^ a bWilliams
^Edwards, p. 34
^W. Jeffrey Tatum, Always I Am Caesar (Blackwell, 2008), p. 109.
^Ovid adduces the story of Hercules and Omphale as an explanation for the ritual nudity of the Lupercalia; see under "Male nudity" above and Richard J. King, Desiring Rome: Male Subjectivity and Reading Ovid's Fasti (Ohio State University Press, 2006), pp. 185, 195, 200, 204.
^Digest 34.2.23.2, as cited in Richlin (1993), p. 540.
^Cum virginali mundo clam pater: Olson, "The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl," p. 147.
^Digest 34.2.33, as cited in Richlin (1993), p. 540.
^Stephen O. Murray, Homosexualities (University of Chicago Press, 2000), pp. 298–303; Mary R. Bachvarova, "Sumerian Gala Priests and Eastern Mediterranean Returning Gods: Tragic Lamentation in Cross-Cultural Perspective," in Lament: Studies in the Ancient Mediterranean and Beyond (Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 19, 33, 36. See also "Hermaphroditism and androgyny" below.
^ a b cHallett. p. 55.
^For an explanation of this principle in a military setting, see Phang (2008), p. 93.
^Amy Richlin, "Sexuality in the Roman Empire," in A Companion to the Roman Empire (Blackwell, 2006), p. 335: "The sulks and pride of these boys and their petulant quarrels . . . I prefer to a dowry of a million sesterces."
^Louis Crompton, Byron and Greek Love (London, 1998), p. 93.
^As at Metamorphoses 10.155ff.
^Both Juvenal (for instance, in Satire 2) and Martial describe weddings between men. Suetonius reports that the emperor Nero had two marriages to men, once taking the role of the bride, and once the groom. Williams, p. 28
^Karen K. Hersh, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 36; Caroline Vout, Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome (Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 151ff.
^Michael Groneberg, "Reasons for Homophobia: Three Types of Explanation," in Combatting Homophobia: Experiences and Analyses Pertinent to Education (LIT Verlag, 2011), p. 193.
^Codex Theodosianus 9.7.3 (4 December 342), introduced by the sons of Constantine in 342.
^Groneberg, "Reasons for Homophobia," p. 193.
^Michael Brinkschröde, "Christian Homophobia: Four Central Discourses," in Combatting Homophobia, p. 166.
^Scholz, Piotr O. (1999). Eunuchs and Castrati: A Cultural History. Markus Wiener. pp. 112–3. ISBN 9781558762015.
^Richlin (1993), pp. 558–559.
^Digest 3.1.1.6, as noted in Richlin (1993), p. 559.
^Williams, pp. 104–105.
^As recorded in a fragment of the speech De Re Floria by Cato the Elder (frg. 57 Jordan = Aulus Gellius 9.12.7), as noted and discussed in Richlin (1993), p. 561.
^ Varro, De lingua latina 6.8、ラテン語の悲劇作家アクタイオンの断片を引用。この断片では、動詞video、videre、visum (「見る」) が、vis (奪格vi、「力ずくで」) およびviolare (「侵害する」) と関連していると考えられている。「見るべきではないものを見た者は、それを目で侵害した」(Cum illud oculis vi olavit is, qui in vi dit in vid endum)
^ Fredrick、pp. 1-2。古代の語源は科学的言語学の問題ではなく、音の類似性と神学と哲学の含意に基づく連想的解釈の問題でした。Davide Del Bello著『 Forgotten Paths: Etymology and the Allegorical Mindset』（Catholic University of America Press、2007年）を参照。
^ Varro, On Agriculture 2.4.9; Karen K. Hersch, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010) pp. 122, 276; Barbette Stanley Spaeth, The Roman Goddess Ceres (University of Texas Press, 1996) 17ページ。
^アダムス、82～83ページ。
^アダムス、85～89ページ。
^ Richlin (1983)、pp. xvi、26、68–69、109、276他。
^ Ars Amatoria（「愛の芸術」）全体を通して；ギブソン『Ars Amatoria』第3巻、399ページ。
^マルシャル、エピグラム11.21.1、10: tam laxa ... quam turpe puttur onocrotali
^ラリッサ・ボンファンテ、「古典芸術における授乳中の母親」、Naked Truths: Women, Sexuality, and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology (Routledge, 1997, 2000)、174 ページ以降、多数の例付き。乳母(nutrix)の乳房の理想的な特徴は、ソラノスの『婦人科』 2.18-20に列挙されている。
^ジュリアス・シーザー、ベラム・ガリカム7.47.5; G. マテラット、「Le première Campagne de César contre les Bellovaques et le geste passis manibus」、『Hommages à Albert Grenier』（Latomus、1962 年）、第 3 巻。
^Bernadette J. Brooten, Love between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism (University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 4.
^Ovid, Metamorphoses 9.727, 733–4, as cited in Potter (2009), p. 346.
^Jen H. Oliver, "Oscula iungit nec moderata satis nec sic a virgine danda: Ovid's Callisto Episode, Female Homoeroticism, and the Study of Ancient Sexuality," American Journal of Philology 136:2 (2015), p. 285.
^Olive, "Ovid's Callisto Episode," pp. 281–312, especially 309.
^Brooten, Love between Women, p. 1.
^The Latin indicates that the pronoun I is of feminine gender; CIL 4.5296, as cited in Potter (2009), p. 347.
^Sotheby's, Masters and Portrait Miniatures lot 408
^Olive, "Ovid's Callisto Episode," p. 305.
^Lucian, Dialogues of the Courtesans 5.
^Jonathan Walters, "Invading the Roman Body: Manliness and Impenetrability in Roman Thought," pp. 30–31, and Pamela Gordon, "The Lover's Voice in Heroides 15: Or, Why Is Sappho a Man?," p. 283, both in Hallett; Fredrick, p. 168.
^Potter (2009), p. 351.
^Martial 1.90 and 7.67, 50; Potter (2009), p. 347
^Clarke, p. 228.
^Livy 1.3.11–4.3.
^Kuttner, p. 348.
^Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 1–10, as cited and elaborated by Phyllis Culham, "Women in the Roman Republic," in The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic (Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 158.
^Fredrick, p. 105.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 5.964: Violenta viri vis atque impensa libido.
^Staples, p. 81.
^Staples, p. 82
^Gardner, pp. 118ff.
^ a bGardner, p. 120.
^Digest 9.9.20.
^ a b cGardner, p. 118.
^A law passed sometime between 80 and 50 BC banned women from acting as prosecutors in the courtroom; Valerius Maximus 8.3.1; Richard A. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome (Routledge, 1992, 1994), p. 50; Joseph Farrell, Latin Language and Latin Culture (Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 74–75; Michael C. Alexander, Trials in the Late Roman Republic, 149–50 BC (University of Toronto Press, 1990), p. 180.
^ a bGardner, p. 119
^ a bMcGinn (1998), p. 326.
^Cicero, Pro Planco 30
^Roy K. Olson, Ars Amatoria, Book 3 (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 386; J.P. Toner, Leisure and Ancient Rome (Blackwell, 1995), p. 68.
^ a bMcGinn (1998), p. 314
^ a bGardner, pp. 120–121.
^Gardner, p. 121.
^Staples, p. 164.
^James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (University of Chicago Press, 1987, 1990), p. 107.
^Charles Matson Odahl, Constantine and the Christian Empire (Routledge, 2004), p. 179; Timothy David Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 220; Gillian Clark, Women in Late Antiquity: Pagan and Christian Lifestyles (Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 36–37, characterizing Constantine's law as "unusually dramatic even for him."
^Theodosian Code 9.24.1.2–3; Cod. 9.13.1; Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, p. 107.
^The purple border appeared also on the togas of magistrates whose duties including presiding over sacrifices, on the toga worn by a mourning son when he carried out a parent's funeral rites, and on the veils of the Vestal Virgins; Judith Lynn Sebesta, "Women's Costume and Feminine Civic Morality in Augustan Rome," Gender & History 9.3 (1997), p. 532, and "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," p. 47.
^In a declamation attributed to Quintilian, Declamatio minor 340.13 as quoted by Sebesta, "Women's Costume," p. 532. Persius, Satire 5.30–31, calls the praetexta the guardian (custos) of childhood.
^Praetextatis nefas sit obsceno verbo uti: Festus 282–283 L = 245 M).
^Williams, p. 69.
^Pliny, Natural History 28.29; Varro, De lingua latina 7.97
^Habinek, p. 166
^Judith Lynn Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," in The World of Roman Costume (University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), p. 47.
^Sebesta, "Symbolism in the Costume of the Roman Woman," pp. 47, 51. There is only slight and ambiguous evidence that they too might wear a bulla, at Plautus, Rudens 1194.
^Valerius Maximus 8.1 absol. 8, as cited by Kelly Olson, "The Appearance of the Young Roman Girl," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, p. 142.
^Cicero, Verrine 3.23.
^Quintiltian, Institution Oratoria 1.2.7–8; Matthew B. Roller, Dining Posture in Ancient Rome (Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 160.
^Robinson Ellis, A Commentary to Catullus (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1876), p. 180, in reference to Catullus, Carmen 61.
^Elizabeth Manwell, "Gender and Masculinity," in A Companion to Catullus (Blackwell, 2007), p. 118.
^Larissa Bonfante, introduction to The World of Roman Costume, p. 7; Shelley Stone, "The Toga: From National to Ceremonial Costume," in The World of Roman Costume, p. 41; Sebesta, "Women's Costume," p. 533. After the Augustan building program, the rites were held at the new Temple of Mars Ultor in the Forum Augustum: Dominic Montserrat, "Reading Gender in the Roman World," in Experiencing Rome: Culture, Identity, and Power in the Roman Empire (Routledge, 2000), p. 170.
^Other dates could be chosen for the ceremony. See Staples, p. 89; George, "The 'Dark Side' of the Toga," p. 55; Propertius 3.15.3–6; Ovid, Fasti 3.777–778.
^Richlin (1993), p. 535, citing Martial 11.78.
^Cinctus vinctusque, according to Festus 55 (edition of Lindsay); Karen K. Hersch, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 101, 110, 211 .
^Judith P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society: Women and the Elite Family (Princeton University Press, 1984), 142; Beryl Rawson, "The Roman Family in Italy" (Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 21;
^Girls coming of age dedicated their dolls to Diana, the goddess most concerned with girlhood, or to Venus when they were preparing for marriage; Beryl Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy (Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 48 on Diana; p. 128, citing Persius 2.70 and the related scholion; p. 145 on comparison with Greece.
^Sebesta, "Women's Costume," pp. 529, 534, 538.
^Sebesta, "Women's Costume," pp. 534–535; Festus 55L on the nodus Herculaneus, which was used for its apotropaic powers on jewelry as well. The Roman Hercules was a giver of fertility and a great scatterer of seed: he fathered, according to Verrius Flaccus, seventy children.
^Cinctus vinctusque, according to Festus 55 (edition of Lindsay); Karen K. Hersch, The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 101, 110, 211.
^Sebesta, "Women's Costume," p. 535.
^The interpretation of the couple as newlyweds is based on the woman's attire; Clarke, pp. 99–101.
^Susan Dixon, The Roman Family (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), pp. 86–88.
^Non enim coitus matrimonium facit, sed maritalis affectio, Ulpian, Ulpianus libro trigesimo tertio ad Sabinum, Digest 24.1.32.13, as cited by Bruce W. Frier and Thomas A.J. McGinn, A Casebook on Family Law (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 49.
^Dixon, The Roman Family, pp. 86–88.
^James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (University of Chicago Press, 1987, 1990), p. 22, citing Philippe Ariès, "L'amour dans le mariage," in Sexualités occidentales, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Centre d'Études Transdisciplinaires, Communications 35 (Paris: Seuil, 1982), p. 121
^ a bPotter (2009), p. 350.
^Catullus, Carmen 61: nil potest sine te Venus.
^ a bDixon, The Roman Family, p. 87.
^Univira is one of the attributes that might be memorialized on a woman's gravestone.
^Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 258–259, 500–502 et passim.
^Eva Cantarella, "Marriage and Sexuality in Republican Rome: A Roman Conjugal Love Story," in The Sleep of Reason, p. 276.
^Beryl Rawson, "Finding Roman Women," in A Companion to the Roman Republic (Blackwell, 2010), p. 338.
^Propertius, 2.22 B, 31–34 Heyworth; Ovid, Amores 1.9.35–36, Ars Amatoria 2.709–710 and 3.107–110, Heroides 5.107; Barbara Graziosi and Johannes Haubold, Homer: Iliad Book VI (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 52. See also Martial 11.104.13–14, where the couple's lovemaking is so intensely erotic that it drives the household slaves to masturbate.
^Helen King, "Sowing the Field: Greek and Roman Sexology," in Sexual Knowledge, Sexual Science: The History of Attitudes to Sexuality (Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 38.
^William Armstrong Percy III, "Reconsiderations about Greek Homosexualities," in Same-Sex Desire and Love in Greco-Roman Antiquity, p. 20.
^Graziosi and Haubold, Homer, p. 52.
^Catullus, Carmen 61.
^Clarke, pp. 99–104, quotation pp. 103–104.
^For example, Catullus 61.123, where a concubinus, a male concubine, expects that his master's wedding will cause him to be abandoned; James L. Butrica, "Some Myths and Anomalies in the Study of Roman Sexuality," in Same-Sex Desire and Love in Greco-Roman Antiquity, pp. 218, 224.
^Plautus, Curculio 35–38. The passage is something of a topos of Roman sexuality; in addition to Richlin (following), see Fantham, p. 123.
^Fantham, p. 125.
^McGinn, Thomas A. J. (1991). "Concubinage and the Lex Iulia on Adultery". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 121: 335–375 (342). doi:10.2307/284457. JSTOR 284457.
^Nussbaum, p. 305.
^Fantham, p. 124, citing Papinian, De adulteriis I and Modestinus, Liber Regularum I.
^Judith P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society: Women and the Elite Family (Princeton University Press, 1984), 142.
^Susan Dixon, The Roman Family (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 202.
^Cantarella, p. 104
^Edwards, pp. 34–35
^Nussbaum, p. 305, noting that custom "allowed much latitude for personal negotiation and gradual social change."
^Edwards, p. 38.
^Hallett, pp. 34ff., 41–42, 67, 89–90.
^P.E. Corbett, The Roman Law of Marriage (1930), as cited by Edwards, p. 35.
^Beryl Rawson, The Family in Ancient Rome (Cornell University Press, 1987), p. 27, as cited by Edwards, pp. 35–36.
^Edwards, pp. 34–36.
^Matthew W. Dickie, Magic and Magicians in the Greco–Roman World (Routledge, 2003), p. 36. Defixiones are also known as curse tablets; erotic prohibitions are only one form of defixio.
^Dickie, Magic and Magicians, p. 116.
^"The men who people the pages of Cicero and Tacitus do not burst into their wives' bedrooms to take violent revenge (even when license was granted by the law)," notes Edwards, pp. 55–56.
^Edwards, p. 56, citing Ovid, Amores 3.4.37: rusticus est nimium quem laedit adultera coniunx.
^Edwards, p. 56.
^Harper, p. 26.
^Fantham, pp. 118, 128.
^Neville Morley, "Social Structure and Demography," in A Companion to the Roman Republic, p. 309, describes the relationship thus. Pliny claims (Epistle 7.4.6) to preserve an epigram by Cicero on Tiro which reveals Tiro's "effeminate subordination," as described by Ellen Oliensis, "The Erotics of amicitia: Readings in Tibullus, Propertius, and Horace," in Hallett, p. 171, note 37. See also comments on the epigram by Richlin (1983), pp. 34 and 223, who thinks it may have been Pliny's joke.
^ a b c dCantarella, p. 103.
^Cantarella, p. 99.
^William Fitzgerald, Slavery and the Roman Literary Imagination (Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 47–48
^ a bHubbard, Thomas K. (2003) Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: A Sourcebook of Basic Documents. University of California Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-520-23430-7.
^Parker, p. 286.
^Excluding those presumed to be prostitutes, who might be either slaves or infames; Parker, p. 283.
^Artemidorus, p. 88.5–12 Pack
^Potter (2009), p. 340.
^Plutarch, Life of the Elder Cato 21.2; Sandra R. Joshel and Sheila Murnaghan, introduction to Women and Slaves in Greco-Roman Culture: Differential Equations (Routledge, 1998), p. 11.
^Parker, p. 281.
^Parker, p. 283.
^Tacitus, Annales 14.60, as cited by Williams, p. 399.
^Mostly in Juvenal and Martial, as in the latter's epigram 6.39, where the seven children of Cinna were supposedly fathered by various slaves of the household; Parker, p. 292.
^Harper, pp. 203–204.
^Williams, pp. 36–38.
^Livy 8.28 (see also Dionysius of Halicarnassus 16.5); Valerius Maximus 6.1.9. The historicity of these stories is questionable, and they should perhaps be regarded as exempla encapsulating themes of historical events; see Cantarella, pp. 104–105, and Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic War (University of California Press, 2005, 2006), p. 313, where the names are seen as "clearly fictitious."
^Dionysius's version says the youth went into debt to pay for his father's funeral, an act of Roman piety.
^Williams, pp. 102–103, emphasizing that the homosexual nature of Plotius's libido is not at issue, but rather his violation of a freeborn Roman male's body; Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, pp. 313–314; Butrica, "Some Myths and Anomalies in the Study of Roman Sexuality," pp. 214–215.
^Harper, pp. 294–295.
^Nussbaum, p. 308, citing Seneca, Epistula 47.
^Ra'anan Abusch, "CIrcumcision and Castration under Roman Law in the Early Empire," in The Covenant of Circumcision: New Perspectives on an Ancient Jewish Rite (Brandeis University Press, 2003), pp. 77–78.
^McGinn (1998), p. 288ff., especially p. 297 on manumission. From a legalistic perspective, the covenant was not subject to negotiation for subsequent sales, because that would implicitly violate it.
^Hallett, p. 76, citing Ulpian, Digest 23.2.43.3.
^Habinek, p. 29.
^Langlands, pp. 205–206.
^Fantham, p. 139.
^Clarke
^ a bHallett, p. 81.
^Hallett, p. 66.
^According to the Lex Iulia et Papia, as cited in Women's Life in Greece and Rome: A Sourcebook in Translation, edited by Mary R. Lefkowitz and Maureen B. Fant (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005, 3rd ed.), p. 118.
^Juvenal, Satires 2 and 8; Michael Carter, "(Un)Dressed to Kill: Viewing the Retiarius," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (University of Toronto Press, 2008), pp. 120–121.
^Hallett, pp. 66–67.
^Both the censors and the praetors could impose infamia as a legal status; McGinn (1998), p. 65ff.
^Hallett, p. 67. The Tabula Heracleensis, "probably from the time of Julius Caesar," lists those who are barred from holding local magistracies, including anyone "who has or shall ... have been hired out for the purpose of fighting as a gladiator ... or who has or shall have prostituted his person; or who has been or shall have been a trainer of gladiators or actors, or who shall run <or shall have run> a brothel" (as quoted by Hallett, p. 70). Although infamia can be used as a legal term and was codified as such by the time of Hadrian, in the Republic and Principate it also has a non-technical, social sense.
^Hallett, p. 73.
^Hallett, pp. 73–74. By the 2nd and 3rd centuries, low-status free persons were increasingly subjected to various forms of corporal punishment, as republican ideals vanished.
^Even trades which served sensual pleasures (voluptates) were considered less honorable than others, including fishmongers, butchers, cooks, poulterers, fishermen, and perfumers, all of whom Cicero classed with dancers and performers of the ludus talarius (De officiis 1.150, citing the playwright Terence); Hallett, p. 83.
^Hallett, pp. 74–75.
^Hallett, p. 77.
^Hallett, pp. 77–78
^Michael Carter, "(Un)Dressed to Kill: Viewing the Retiarius," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture (University of Toronto Press, 2008), p. 114 et passim.
^In tragedy and the literary comedies of Plautus and Terence, female roles were played by masked men in drag. Hallett, p. 80
^Including "the wives of Claudius and Domitian": Hallett, p. 80.
^Richlin (1993), 550–551, 555ff.
^McGinn (2004), pp. 157–159.
^McGinn (2004), pp. 157–158, sites listed pp. 163–164.
^McGinn (2004), pp. 158–159.
^The identity of this boy and his likely family is much debated.
^Valerius Maximus 9.1.8: Aeque flagitiosum illud conuiuium, quod Gemellus tribunicius uiator ingenui sanguinis, sed officii intra seruilem habitum deformis Metello [et] Scipioni consuli ac tribunis pl. magno cum rubore ciuitatis conparauit: lupanari enim domi suae instituto Muniam et Flauiam, cum a patre tum a uiro utramque inclitam, et nobilem puerum Saturninum in eo prostituit. probrosae patientiae corpora, ludibrio temulentae libidini futura! epulas consuli et tribunis non celebrandas, sed uindicandas! McGinn (2004), p. 159, goes so far as to suggest that this party in particular helped make the Pompeian "sex clubs" fashionable.
^Cicero makes accusations of this kind against Verres, Piso, and Antony, who is said to have converted his bedrooms into stabula, the cubicles housing prostitutes in a brothel, and his dining room into popinae, common eateries; see In Verrem 2.3.6, 2.4.83, 2.5.81–82, 137; Post Reditum in Senatu 11, 14; Philippicae 2.15, 62–63, 69, as cited by McGinn (2004), p. 163.
^McGinn (2004), pp. 159, 162.
^ a bPaul G.P. Meyboom; Miguel John Versluys (1 Dec 2006). ""The Meaning of Dwarfs in Nilotic Scenes,"". Nile into Tiber: Egypt in the Roman World. Proceedings of the IIIrd International Conference of Isis Studies. Leiden: Brill. pp. 170–208. ISBN 978-90-47-41113-0. Archived from the original on 13 April 2022.
^Ovid, Ars Amatoria 3.771ff.
^Ovid, Tristia 2.1.523
^Clarke, pp. 91–92.
^Firmicus Maternus 5.2.4, 5.3.11 and 17, 5.6.8, 6.30.15; Vettius Valens 1.1, 2.16, 2.36 and 38, as cited and summarized in Younger, p. 20.
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1268–1273
^Lucretius, De rerum natura 4.1263–1267
^Brown, pp. 67–68.
^The verb is not found, for instance, in the writings of Cicero; Adams, p. 118. Futuo appears mainly in graffiti (at least 65 instances) and the Priapea. Martial uses the verb 49 times. It is found seven times in Catullus, and once in the early work of Horace. Although Ausonius revives the general obscenity of Martial, he avoids the use of futuo.
^Adams, pp. 120–121.
^Plautus, frg. 68 in the edition of Lindsay
^Adams, p. 121.
^Aut futue aut pugnemus, literally "either fuck or let's fight," in Martial 11.20.7; Adams, p. 121. Augustus chooses to sound the call to battle.
^Habinek, p. 31.
^Ovid, Ars Amatoria 2.681–684: Women, he says, "need no encouragement to take their pleasure: let both man and woman feel what delights them equally. I hate embraces which fail to satisfy both partners. That is why for me loving boys holds little attraction" (Illis sentitur non inritata voluptas: / Quod iuvet, ex aequo femina virque ferant. / Odi concubitus, qui non utrumque resolvunt; / Hoc est, cur pueri tangar amore minus); Edwards, p. 7
^ a b c dLiveley, Genevieve (2005). Ovid: Love Songs. Ancients in Action. London: Bloomsbury Academic. p. 52. ISBN 9781853996702.
^Pollini, John (1999). "The Warren Cup: Homoerotic Love and Symposial Rhetoric in Silver". The Art Bulletin. 81: 21–52 (36). doi:10.2307/3051285. JSTOR 3051285.
^Ovid, Ars Amatoria 2.725–8, as cited in Potter (2009), p. 343.
^Fredrick, p. 159.
^Adams, p. 165.
^The position is discussed "in some detail" in Greek literature, and appears in other forms of Greek art; Fredrick, p. 159.
^Ovid, Ars Amatoria 3.777–778; Gibson, Ars Amatoria Book 3, p. 393.
^Hectoreus equus (Ars Amatoria 3.777–778); Meyboom and Versluys, "The Meaning of Dwarfs in Nilotic Scenes," in Nile into Tiber, p. 188; Gibson, Ars Amatoria Book 3, p. 393. Trojan imagery, especially in connection with the Trojan horse, became important under the Julio-Claudian emperors, who claimed descent from the Trojan refugee Aeneas, son of Venus. See for instance the "Troy Game".
^Clarke, p. 258.
^Kenneth Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 107, as cited by Fredrick, p. 159.
^Catherine Johns, Sex or Symbol? Erotic Images of Greece and Rome (Routledge, 1982), pp. 136–137, as cited in Fredrick, p. 159.
^Paul Veyne, "La famille et l'amour sous le haut-empire romain," Annales: Économies, sociétés, civilisations 33 (1978) 53–54, as cited in Fredrick, p. 159.
^Fredrick, pp. 159–160.
^Meyboom and Versluys, "The Meaning of Dwarfs in Nilotic Scenes," in Nile into Tiber, p. 188.
^Martial 12.75 and 96, using the fig metaphor; Williams, p. 27
^Richlin (1983), pp. 41–42.
^"The lionness" as a name for the position was popularized by 4th-century BC Greeks; Clarke, pp. 26, 230.
^Adams, pp. 110–111.
^Clarke, p. 230.
^Valentina Arena, "Roman Oratorical Invective," in A Companion to Roman Rhetoric (Blackwell, 2010), p. 156; Nancy Woman, Abusive Mouths in Classical Athens (Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 322.
^ a bWoman, Abusive Mouths, p. 322.
^Catullus, Carmina 39, 78b, 97, 99; William Fitzgerald, Catullan Provocations: Lyric Poetry and the Drama of Position (University of California Press, 1995, 1999), p. 262.
^A Companion to Catullus (Blackwell, 2011), n.p.
^Quintus Apronius, the assistant of Verres, at Verres 2.3; Sextus Cloelius, a henchman of Clodius Pulcher, at De domo sua 25, 26, 47–8, 83.
^Arena, "Roman Oratorical Invective," p. 156.
^ a bRichlin (1983), p. 27
^Guillermo Galán Vioque, Martial, Book VII: A Commentary (Brill, 2002), p. 495.
^Catullus, Carmen 99.10
^Richlin (1983), p. 150.
^Martial, 7.94; Vioque, Martial, Book VII, p. 495.
^Martial, 3.17; Guillermo Galán Vioque, Martial, Book VII: A Commentary, p. 495.
^Woman, Abusive Mouths, p. 322f
^Richlin (1983), p. 99
^Marilyn B. Skinner, Catullus in Verona: A Reading of the Elegiac Libellus, Poems 65–116 (Ohio State University Press, 2003), p. 79.
^Clarke, p. 224.
^Clarke, p. 223
^Clarke, pp. 224–227.
^Clarke, p. 226.
^CIL 4.1383, scrawled at an entrance to a shop in Pompeii; Antonio Varone, Erotica Pompeiana: Love Inscriptions on the Walls of Pompeii («L'Erma» di Bretschneider, 2002), p. 81.
^Fredrick, p. 162.
^Catullus Carmina 58 and 59; and Martial, Epigrams 4.84, 9.4, 9.67, and 12.55, on women who perform fellatio.
^Suetonius, Life of Tiberius 43, as quoted by Clarke, p. 234.
^Clarke, p. 234.
^Clarke, pp. 234–235.
^Clarke, p. 255.
^Ausonius, Epigram 43 Green (39); Matthew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity, and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (University of Chicago Press, 2001), p. 92.
^Richlin, "Sexuality in the Roman Empire," p. 351.
^Antonio Varone, Erotica pompeiana: Love Inscriptions on the Walls of Pompeii («L'Erma» di Bretschneider, 2002), p. 95.
^Martial, 2.43.14
^Williams, p. 270
^J.P. Sullivan, Martial, the Unexpected Classic: A Literary and Historical Study (Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 190. Martial describes slaves masturbating behind the door as they watch Andromache ride Hector (11.104.13–14).
^At laeva lacrimas muttoni absterget amica ("A girlfriend wipes away Mutto's tears—his left hand, that is"): Lucilius 307 and 959. Kirk Freundenburg has dubbed the muttō of Lucilius "clearly the least finicky of all personified penises in Roman satire": Satires of Rome: Threatening Poses from Lucilius to Juvenal (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 205.
^multa mihi curae cum [pr]esserit artus has ego mancinas, stagna refusa, dabo: CIL 4.2066, as cited by Younger, p. 108.
^Etymological views as summarized by Joshua T. Katz, "Testimonia Ritus Italici: Male Genitalia, Solemn Declarations, and a New Latin Sound Law," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 98 (1998), pp. 210–213, citing Judith P. Hallett, "Masturbator, mascarpio", Glotta 54 (1976) 292–308, for turbare + mas, with support for this usage of mas from Douglas Q. Adams, "Latin mas and masturbari", Glotta 63 (1985) 241–247.
^Adams, pp. 208–211.
^Calvert Watkins, How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics (Oxford University Press, 1995), p 533ff.
^Katz, "Testimonia Ritus Italici," p. 212.
^Hendrik Wagenvoort, "On the Magical Significance of the Tail," in Pietas: Selected Studies in Roman Religion (Brill, 1980), p. 155.
^Juvenal, Satire 6.60ff.; Erik Gunderson, "The Libidinal Rhetoric of Satire," in The Cambridge Companion to Roman Satire (Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 235; Blanshard, Sex: Vice and Love from Antiquity to Modernity, p. 40.
^Apuleius, Metamorphoses 10.19–22; Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans, p. 68.
^Suetonius, Life of Nero 29; Carlin A. Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster (Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 68.
^Cassius Dio 76.8.2; Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans, p. 68.
^Martial, De spectaculis 5
^Coleman, K. M. (2012). "Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments". Journal of Roman Studies. 80: 44. doi:10.2307/300280. JSTOR 300280.
^Paul Veyne, Foucault: His Thought, His Character (Polity Press, 2010, originally published 2008 in French), p. 9.
^Coleman, "Fatal Charades," p. 64.
^Apuleius, Metamorphoses 10.29.34; Coleman, "Fatal Charades," p. 64.
^Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.287–88.
^Spaeth, Barbette Stanley (1994). "The Goddess Ceres in the Ara Pacis Augustae and the Carthage Relief". American Journal of Archaeology. 98: 65–100 (81). doi:10.2307/506222. JSTOR 506222.
^ a bTaylor, p. 78.
^Taylor, p. 77
^ a bClarke, p. 49
^Taylor, p. 78ff.
^Paulus ex Festo 439L
^Richlin (1993), p. 549.
^Taylor, p. 216, note 46.
^Roscoe, "Priests of the Goddess," p. 204.
^Clarke, p. 50.
^Clarke, pp. 50–55.
^Clarke, pp. 54–55.
^Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.8.2. Macrobius says that Aristophanes called this figure Aphroditos.
^Venerem igitur almum adorans, sive femina sive mas est, as quoted by Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.8.3.
^Penner, p. 22.
^Dominic Montserrat, "Reading Gender in the Roman World," in Experiencing Rome: Culture, Identity, and Power in the Roman Empire (Routledge, 2000), pp. 172–173.
^Pliny, Natural History 7.34: gignuntur et utriusque sexus quos hermaphroditos vocamus, olim androgynos vocatos
^Dasen, Veronique (1997). "Multiple births in Graeco-Roman antiquity". Oxford Journal of Archaeology. 16: 49–63 (61). doi:10.1111/1468-0092.00024.
^Diodorus Siculus 4.6.5; Will Roscoe, "Priests of the Goddess: Gender Transgression in Ancient Religion," in History of Religions 35.3 (1996), p. 204.
^Veit Rosenberger, "Republican nobiles: Controlling the Res Publica," in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), p. 295.
^Livy 27.11 (using the term androgynus); Rosenberger, "Republican nobiles," p. 297.
^Julius Obsequens 27a (androgynus); Rosenberger, "Republican nobiles," p. 298.
^Plutarch, Moralia 520c; Dasen, "Multiple Births in Graeco-Roman Antiquity," p. 61.
^Lynn E. Roller, "The Ideology of the Eunuch Priest," Gender & History 9.3 (1997), p. 558.
^Kuttner, p. 343.
^Kuttner, pp. 348–349. The birth omens are described by Pliny, Natural History 7.34, and other sources.
^Kuttner, pp. 354–346
^Penner, pp. 122, 145.
^Penner, p. 134
^Potter (2009), p. 353
^Duncan Fishwick, "The Sixty Gallic Tribes and the Altar of the Three Gauls," Historia 38.1 (1989) 111–112, thinks the 60 Gallic civitates at Lugdunum were represented by inscriptions rather than sculpture.
^ a bPenner, pp. 135–138.
^Penner, p. 121.
^Alessandro Barchiesi, "Roman Perspectives on the Greeks", in The Oxford Handbook of Hellenic Studies (Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 104.
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Further reading
Ancona, Ronnie, and Greene, Ellen eds. Gender Dynamics in Latin Love Poetry. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005.
Hug, Angela (2023). Fertility, ideology, and the cultural politics of reproduction at Rome. Leiden; Boston: Brill. ISBN 9789004540774.
Skinner, Marilyn. Sexuality in Greek And Roman Culture. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-0-631-23234-6.
External links
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