↑ " Der Zionismus erstrebt für das jüdische Volk die Schaffung einer öffentlich-rechtlich gesicherten Heimstätte in Palästina. " 当初の提案には「 öffentlich-rechtlich」ではなく「 rechtlich 」が含まれていましたが、議会中に変更されました。
↑コピロフスキー、GS 「K istorii natsional'nogo voprosa v Rossii」К истории национального вопроса в России[ロシアにおける民族問題の歴史について]。ロシア人権擁護委員会（ロシア語）。 2025年8月19日にオリジナルからアーカイブ済み。
↑"Alfred Dreyfus and the "Dreyfus Affair"". Holocaust Encyclopedia. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original on 29 September 2025. Retrieved 27 November 2025.
↑Cleveland & Bunton 2024, p.187: "Notwithstanding the growing participation of East European Jewry in Zionist activities, Herzl recognised that the movement would not succeed until it secured the diplomatic support of a Great Power and the financial assistance of members of the Western Jewish community."
↑"Anglo-palestine Bank Takes over Work of Jewish Colonial Trust". Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Archived from the original on 12 February 2026. Retrieved 21 April 2026.
↑Nahon, S. U. (1947). The Jubilee of the first Zionist Congress, 1897–1947. Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization. p.66. Archived from the original on 11 May 2019. Published simultaneously in Hebrew, French, Spanish and Yiddish.
↑Brenner 2020, p.89: "What was a "national home"? The truth is that nobody really knew. This formula reached back to the First Zionist Congress, when "a publicly and legally assured home in Palestine" became the central demand of Herzl's new movement. Even then it was not clear if this meant an independent state or a cooperative as in Herzl's "Society of the Jews," a spiritual center as envisioned by Ahad Ha'am and his followers or an autonomous region within a multi-national empire based on the Habsburg monarchy."
↑Kedar 2002, p.120: "The Zionists argued whether to fight for a sovereign state in Palestine first (as some of the General-Zionists and later the Revisionists demanded) or to concentrate on a Jewish socio economic infrastructure. Others questioned whether a Jewish sovereign state should be Zionism's final goal or an alternative type of polity was preferable. As opposed to the "statists" who favored of sovereign statehood, some Zionists advocated an autonomous Jewish canton affiliated either with the Ottoman or British Empire, or in alliance within a future Middle-Eastern federation or confederation. Still others endorsed the vague concept of a Jewish "Homeland" or "National Home" that would flourish under the aegis of the British Empire. In sum, Zionists not only lacked a Hebrew rendering for the terms "state", "commonwealth", "republic" and "polity", but were also divided upon the type of polity they wished to create in Palestine. Only in 1942, at the Biltmore Conference in New York, did the Zionist Movement finally abandon the ambiguous concepts of "National Home" and "Homeland," officially declare Jewish statehood as its ultimate goal, and adopt the word "medinah" as Zionism's formal rendering for "state"."
↑Laqueur 2009: "Up to the 1930s the Zionist movement had no clear idea about its final aim. Herzl proclaimed that a Jewish state was a world necessity. But later he and his successors mentioned the state only infrequently, partly for tactical reasons, mainly because they had no clear concept as to how a state would come into being. Two generations of Zionist leaders, from Herzl to Weizmann, believed that Palestine would at some fairly distant date become Jewish without the use of violence or guile, as the result of steady immigration and settlement, of quiet and patient work. The idea that a state was the normal form of existence for a people and that it was an immediate necessity was preached by Jabotinsky in the 1930s. But he was at the time almost alone in voicing this demand. It took the advent of Nazism, the holocaust and total Arab rejection of the national home to convert the Zionist movement to the belief in statehood."
↑"The Basle Program: Resolutions of the First Zionist Congress". mideastweb.org. 30 August 1897. Archived from the original on 16 May 2023.
↑Gorny 2006a, pp.41–42: "The idea of national autonomy within a federative state structure was related to the tradition of political liberalism and, especially, Eastern and Central European social democracy. They were brought to Palestine by members of Po'alei Tsiyyon who settled in the country during the Second Aliya years and found expression in the early writings of Ber (Dov) Borochov. However, the ideas had been publicized first in the Ottoman era, in a "Manifesto" put out by four socialist parties, including Po'alei Tsiyyon, during the first Balkan War (1912)... Following the traditional attitudes of social democracy on the eve of World War I, the authors expressed staunch opposition to the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire into independent nation-states. Instead, they proposed a federative political structure, based on national autonomy, that would preserve the integrity of the state and satisfy just national aspirations as well."
↑Penslar 2023, p.47: "Initially, Statist Zionism did not necessarily demand a sovereign state for Jews in Palestine. The ZO's Basel Program, affirmed at the First Zionist Congress in 1897, called for a Jewish "national home, secured by public law," not a state. Herzl himself was willing to accept alternate arrangements for Palestine, such as a designated Jewish province of the Ottoman Empire or a Great Power protectorate..."
↑Shumsky 2018, pp.79–80: "It is extremely important to realize the fact that Herzl's clear misgivings about the separatist Greek model of a unitary linguistic-cultural nation-state in no way contradicts the contents of The Jewish State or of the term Judenstaat. Indeed, most of the neighboring non-Jewish national movements of the Habsburg imperial space in Herzl's time used the term Staat with explicitly substatist intentions in their national political programs and positions... Herzl clearly states that Altneuland is a district of the Ottoman Empire, just as the Transylvania envisioned by Popovici and the Czech lands envisioned even by the radical Czech nationalists were imagined as districts of the Habsburg Empire." p. 152: "During the imperial period, as we saw in his programmatic 1909 article "The New Turkey and Our Chances," Jabotinsky considered the term "state" to be totally irrelevant to Zionism's political purpose, whose realization he envisioned as part of a wider sovereign-political framework in the form of an autonomous district in a federative Ottoman nationalities state." p. 173: "it is well-known that shortly after immigrating to Palestine (1906), and particularly on the eve of and during World War I, Ben-Gurion, along with his friend and Poalei Zion party comrade Yitzchak Ben-Zvi, clearly espoused the political vision in favor of turning Palestine into a Jewish national district under an Ottoman nationalities state"
Brenner 2020, p.93: "Even for David Ben- Gurion, the emerging leader of the Yishuv (the Jewish population in Palestine), an independent Jewish state was by no means his only future vision during the 1920s... In a speech to the Assembly of Representatives of Palestine's Jewish community in 1926, he stressed that there could not be a single legal system in a territory with so many different national and religious groups as Palestine. He demanded far-reaching autonomy for all groups and a decentralized government. Ben-Gurion and other Labor leaders drafted several proposals for a future Jewish society based on autonomous rights for both the Jewish and the Arab communities, and they developed federalist plans for the region as well"pp. 111–112: "Jabotinsky never doubted the necessity of granting Arabs equal rights in a future Jewish state and, throughout almost his entire life, he opposed plans to expel them from their native lands. His agenda called for both individual and collective rights for the Arab population... In 1918 he wrote an unpublished treatise, over 100 pages in length, suggesting a bi-national administration of Palestine, and in 1922 presented a federalist proposal for a Middle Eastern federation consisting of Muslim (Syrian and Mesopotamian), Muslim- Christian (Lebanese), and Jewish (Palestinian) cantons, each with a high degree of autonomy. A year later he presented another federation plan together with Chaim Weizmann."
Chaim 2008, p.54: "At the beginning of the 1920s, even Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the founder of the right‐wing Revisionist faction within Zionism, still spoke in terms of a binational "Jewish‐Arab federation.""
Shumsky 2018, p.200: "Ben-Gurion was not the only figure in the Mandate-era Zionist Labor movement who spoke in autonomist terms about the Jewish nation's self-determination in Palestine. Berl Katznelson, the ideological mainstay of the Zionist Labor movement, gave a long political lecture in the Third Mapai Congress, February 5–8, 1931, only days before the MacDonald Letter was published, in which he argued that Zionism must work toward an equitable model of joint binational sovereignty in Palestine, and to do so as a matter of principle."
↑Laqueur 2009: "The bi-national solution (parity), advocated by the Zionist movement in a half-hearted way in the 1920s and, with more enthusiasm, by some minority groups, would have been in every respect a better solution for the Palestine problem. It would have been a guarantee for the peaceful development of the country. But it was based on the unrealistic assumption that Arab agreement could be obtained. Bi-nationalism and parity were utterly rejected by the Arabs, who saw no good reason for any compromise as far as the Arab character of Palestine was concerned. They were not willing to accept the yishuv as it existed in the 1920s and 1930s, let alone permit more Jewish immigration and settlement. They feared that a further influx of Jews would eventually reduce the Arabs to minority status in Palestine."
Alroey 2011, p.5: "Herzl further sharpened the issue when he tried to make diplomacy precede settlement, precluding any possibility of preemptive and unplanned settlement in the Land of Israel: "Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly."
Rovner 2014, p.45: "European Jews swayed and prayed for Zion for nearly two millennia, and by the end of the nineteenth century their descendants had transformed liturgical longing into a political movement to create a Jewish national entity somewhere in the world. Zionism's prophet, Theodor Herzl, considered Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula as potential Jewish homelands. It took nearly a decade for Zionism to exclusively concentrate its spiritual yearning on the spatial coordinates of Ottoman Palestine."
↑Hazony 2000, p.150: "Recalling his views when he had written "The Jewish State" eight years earlier, he [Herzl] pointed out that at the time, he had openly been willing to consider building on Baron de Hirsch's beginning and establishing the Jewish state in Argentina. But those days were long gone."
↑Hazony 2000, p.369: "Herzl decided to explore the East Africa proposal in the wake of the pogrom, writing to Nordau: "We must give an answer to Kishinev, and this is the only one...We must, in a word, play the politics of the hour.""
↑Rovner 2014, p.81: "On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization." Zangwill objected... When Nordau insisted on the Congress's right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. "You will be charged before the bar of history," he challenged Nordau... From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only "authentic interpretation" of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau's "authentic interpretation" which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl's vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin's voting bloc had in fact "buried political Zionism"."
↑Morris 1999, p.37: "The fear of territorial displacement and dispossession was to be the chief motor of Arab antagonism to Zionism down to 1948 (and indeed after 1967 as well)."
Manna 2022, pp. 2 ("the principal objective of the Zionist leadership to keep as few Arabs as possible in the Jewish state"), 4 ("in the 1948 war, when it became clear that the objective that enjoyed the unanimous support of Zionists of all inclinations was to establish a Jewish state with the smallest possible number of Palestinians"), and 33 ("The Zionists had two cherished objectives: fewer Arabs in the country and more land in the hands of the settlers.")
Khalidi 2020, p.76: "The Nakba represented a watershed in the history of Palestine and the Middle East. It transformed most of Palestine from what it had been for well over a millennium—a majority Arab country—into a new state that had a substantial Jewish majority. This transformation was the result of two processes: the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Arab-inhabited areas of the country seized during the war; and the theft of Palestinian land and property left behind by the refugees as well as much of that owned by those Arabs who remained in Israel. There would have been no other way to achieve a Jewish majority, the explicit aim of political Zionism from its inception. Nor would it have been possible to dominate the country without the seizures of land."
Slater 2020, pp. 49 ("There were three arguments for the moral acceptability of some form of transfer. The main one—certainly for the Zionists but not only for them—was the alleged necessity of establishing a secure and stable Jewish state in as much of Palestine as was feasible, which was understood to require a large Jewish majority."), 81 ("From the outset of the Zionist movement all the major leaders wanted as few Arabs as possible in a Jewish state"), 87 ("The Zionist movement in general and David Ben-Gurion in particular had long sought to establish a Jewish state in all of "Palestine," which in their view included the West Bank, Gaza, and parts of Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria."), and 92 ("As Israeli historian Shlomo Sand wrote: 'During every round of the national conflict over Palestine, which is the longest running conflict of its kind in the modern era, Zionism has tried to appropriate additional territory.'")
Segev 2019, p.418, "the Zionist dream from the start—maximum territory, minimum Arabs"
Cohen 2017, p.78, "As was suggested by Masalha (1992), Morris (1987), and other scholars, many preferred a state without Arabs or with as small a minority as possible, and plans for population transfers were considered by Zionist leaders and activists for years."
Lustick & Berkman 2017, pp.47–48, "As Ben-Gurion told one Palestinian leader in the early 1930s, 'Our final goal is the independence of the Jewish people in Palestine, on both sides of the Jordan River, not as a minority, but as a community numbering millions" (Teveth 1985:130). Ipso facto, this meant Zionism's success would produce an Arab minority in Palestine, no matter what its geographical dimensions."
Stanislawski 2017, p.65, "The upper classes of Palestinian society quickly fled the fight to places of safety within the Arab world and outside of it; the lower classes were caught between the Israeli desire to have as few Arabs as possible remaining in their new state and the Palestinians' desire to remain on the lands they regarded as their ancient national patrimony."
Finkelstein 2016, Ch. 1 ("Justifying the Zionist Enterprise"), "Zionism's claim to the whole of Palestine not only precluded a modus vivendi based on partition with the indigenous Arab population, it called into question any Arab presence in Palestine."
Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2015, p.6, "It was obvious to most approaches within the Zionist movement—certainly to the mainstream as represented by Labor Zionism and its leadership headed by Ben Gurion, that a Jewish state would entail getting rid of as many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the land as possible ... Following Wolfe, we argue that the logic of demographic elimination is an inherent component of the Zionist project as a settler-colonial project, although it has taken different manifestations since the founding of the Zionist movement."
Engel 2013, pp. 96 ("From the outset Zionism had been the activity of a loose coalition of individuals and groups united by a common desire to increase the Jewish population of Palestine ..."), 121 ("... the ZO sought ways to expand the territory a partitioned Jewish state might eventually receive ... Haganah undertook to ensconce small groups of Jews in parts of Palestine formerly beyond their sights ... their leaders had hoped for more expansive borders ..."), and 138 ("The prospect that Israel would have only the barest Jewish majority thus loomed large in the imagination of the state's leaders. To be sure, until the late 1930s most Zionists would have been delighted with any majority, no matter how slim; the thought that Jews in Palestine would ever be more numerous than Arabs appeared a distant vision. But in 1937 the Peel Commission had suggested ... to leave both the Jewish state and Arab Palestine with the smallest possible minorities. That suggestion had fired Zionist imaginations; now it was possible to think of a future state as 'Jewish' not only by international recognition of the right of Jews to dominate its government but by the inclinations of virtually all of its inhabitants. Such was how the bulk of the Zionist leadership understood the optimal 'Jewish state' in 1948: non-Jews (especially Arabs) might live in it and enjoy all rights of citizenship, but their numbers should be small enough compared to the Jewish population that their impact on public life would be minimal. Israel's leaders were thus not sad at all to see so many Arabs leave its borders during the fighting in 1947–48 ... the 150,000 who remained on Israeli territory seemed to many to constitute an unacceptably high proportion relative to the 650,000 Jews in the country when the state came into being. This perception not only dictated Israel's adamant opposition to the return of Arab refugees, it reinforced the imperative to bring as many new Jewish immigrants into the country as possible, as quickly as possible, no matter how great or small their prospects for becoming the sort of 'new Jews' the state esteemed most.")
Masalha 2012, p.38, "From the late nineteenth century and throughout the Mandatory period the demographic and land policies of the Zionist Yishuv in Palestine continued to evolve. But its demographic and land battles with the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine were always a battle for 'maximum land and minimum Arabs' (Masalha 1992, 1997, 2000)."
Lentin 2010, p.7, "'the Zionist leadership was always determined to increase the Jewish space ... Both land purchases in and around the villages, and military preparations, were all designed to dispossess the Palestinians from the area of the future Jewish state' (Pappe 2008: 94)."
Shlaim 2009, p.56, "That most Zionist leaders wanted the largest possible Jewish state in Palestine with as few Arabs inside it as possible is hardly open to question."
Ben-Ami 2007, p.50, "The ethos of Zionism was twofold; it was about demography–ingathering the exiles in a viable Jewish state with as small an Arab minority as possible–and land."
Pappé 2006, p.250, "In other words, hitkansut is the core of Zionism in a slightly different garb: to take over as much of Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians as possible."
Morris 2004, p.588, "But the displacement of Arabs from Palestine or from the areas of Palestine that would become the Jewish State was inherent in Zionist ideology and, in microcosm, in Zionist praxis from the start of the enterprise. The piecemeal eviction of tenant farmers, albeit in relatively small numbers, during the first five decades of Zionist land purchase and settlement naturally stemmed from, and in a sense hinted at, the underlying thrust of the ideology, which was to turn an Arab-populated land into a State with an overwhelming Jewish majority."
Morris 2001, pp.676–682, "Zionism was a colonizing and expansionist ideology and movement ... Zionist ideology and practice were necessarily and elementally expansionist ... Zionism was politically expansionist in the sense that from the start, its aim was to turn all of Palestine (and in the movement's pre-1921 maps, the East Bank of the Jordan and the area south of the Litani River as well) into a Jewish state ... The Zionists were intent on politically, or even physically, dispossessing and supplanting the Arabs; their enterprise, however justified in terms of Jewish suffering and desperation, was tainted by a measure of moral dubiousness ... Zionism had always looked to the day when a Jewish majority would enable the movement to gain control over the country ... Palestine would not be transformed into a Jewish state unless all or much of the Arab population was expelled."
↑Wylen 2000, p.356: "Most Orthodox Jews originally rejected Zionism because they believed the Jews must await the Messiah to restore them to nationhood."
↑Wylen 2000, p.356: "Reform Jews originally rejected Zionism as inconsistent with the acceptance of Jewish citizenship in the Diaspora."
↑"100 years of the Balfour Declaration and its impact on the Palestinian People". Question of Palestine. 2 November 2017. Archived from the original on 2 September 2025. Retrieved 9 September 2025.
↑Shlaim 2014, pp.9–10: "In the period 1918–20 the Zionists put forward their own maximalist interpretation of the Balfour Declaration. They wanted international recognition of the Jewish claim to Palestine, and they wanted the Jewish national home to stretch across both banks of the river Jordan. When Weizmann was asked at the Paris peace conference what was meant by a Jewish national home, he famously replied, "To make Palestine as Jewish as England is English." He was careful, however, not to speak openly in terms of a state, so as not to give substance to the charge that the Jewish minority planned to make itself master over the Arab majority. Although a Jewish state with a Jewish majority was his ultimate and unchanging aim, he believed in working toward this goal in a gradual, evolutionary, and nonprovocative fashion."
↑Flapan 1979, p.20: "The importance of analysing Weizmann's strategy derives from the fact that the assumptions on which they were based were, with slight modifications, adopted by Ben-Gurion and his successors. If one substitutes 'United States' for 'Great Britain' and the 'Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan' for the 'Arab National Movement', Weizmann's basic strategic concepts might be taken as descriptive of Israel's present foreign policy."
↑"Beyond the Pale: Jewish Life Between the Wars II". www.friends-partners.org. Archived from the original on 22 December 2008. Retrieved 10 March 2010.
↑United Nations 1979, p.17: "… serious modification of the extreme Zionist programme for Palestine of unlimited immigration of Jews, looking finally to making Palestine distinctly a Jewish State…".
↑Slater 2020: "In short, the Iron Wall concept—together with the premises, values, and historical myths that underlie it—has been and still is the dominant political and military strategy of Zionism. Summarizing its consequences, Flapan wrote that Jabotinsky "left an indelible mark on the Zionist attitudes towards the Arab question""
↑Cohen 2017: "Combined with the justification for using force to impose Zionism's minimum requirements, Jabotinsky's practical proposal for coercive pedagogy quickly filled the void that was Zionism's official policy on the Arab question."
Shlaim 2001: "Jabotinsky never wavered in his conviction that Jewish military power was the key factor in the struggle for a state. It was the Labor Zionists who gradually came around to his point of view without openly admitting it. So in the final analysis the gap was not all that great: Labor leaders, too, came to rely increasingly on the strategy of the iron wall... all Israeli governments, regardless of their political color, have adopted the first stage of the strategy of the iron wall—to impose their presence unilaterally on their neighbors... Despair was expected to promote pragmatism on the other side and thus to prepare the ground for the second stage of the strategy: negotiations with the local Arabs about their status and national rights in Palestine. In other words, Jewish military strength was to pave the way to a political settlement with the Palestinian national movement..."
Gorny 1987, p.176: "From the outset, Zionism sought to employ Jewish force in order to realize national aspirations. This force consisted primarily of the collective ability to rebuild a national home in Palestine. It also included the organization and education of the people and recruitment of Jewish funds and military means of defending the Yishuv. The ha-Shomer organization fulfilled this last task in the Second Aliyah and its continuation was the Hagana set up by Ahdut ha-'Avodah in 1919 and adopted by the Histadrut a year later. Thus, Revisionism's campaign for a Jewish military force in Palestine was innovative only in that it viewed the implementation of Zionism as conditional on the existence of such a force."
Morris 2001: "The Revisionists found support for their belief that Zionism would win through only with military force. The binationalists saw in the violence "proof" that conciliation had to be achieved quickly, before the Arab majority overwhelmed the Yishuv. The socialist mainstream—now represented by Mapai (Mifleget Poalei Eretz Yisrael—the Land of Israel Workers Party), established in 1930 with the amalgamation of Achdut HaAvodah and HaPoel HaZair—was obliged at last to admit that there existed a Palestinian-Arab nationalist movement, and that the Yishuv was not merely confronting a group of bloodthirsty fanatics or incited hooligans.42 The natural consequence was the growing appreciation, expounded by Chaim Arlosoroff, the director of the Jewish Agency's Political Department from 1931 until 1933, that Zionism would have to use force to achieve its aims.43 After Arlosoroff was murdered by unknown assailants in Tel Aviv in 1933, Ben-Gurion met repeatedly with Musa al-Alami, a PAE member, and argued that Zionism would develop the country to the benefit of both peoples. Al-Alami replied that he would rather have the country remain desolate for a hundred years than see Zionism succeed.44 These contacts came to naught, and the stage was set for the outbreak of the Arab revolt."
Shapira 1992: "The romanticism of the use of force, a feature that had characterized Zionism in its early period, gave way to a down-to-earth political attitude: Force was conceptualized, coolheadedly and soberly, as one of a gamut of means utilized by a political movement seriously intent on realizing its objectives... Up until World War II, the Zionist leadership had viewed physical power as a tool designed to provide an answer to the challenge of Arab militancy. They regarded it as a means to curb and prevent Arab action but not as a way to advance Jewish initiatives or to create new facts. There was already a certain ambivalence in this matter at the time of the Arab Rebellion. The ascent to Hanita and its settlement could not have taken place without the threat of force by the Jews. In other words, in this instance, force also created facts on the ground."
Finkelstein 2016: "The 'defensive ethos' was never the operative ideology of mainstream Zionism. From beginning to end, Zionism was a conquest movement. The subtitle of Shapira's study is 'The Zionist Resort to Force'. Yet, Zionism did not 'resort' to force. Force was – to use Shapira's apt phrase in her conclusion – 'inherent in the situation' (p. 357). Gripped by messianism after the issuance of the Balfour Declaration, the Zionist movement sought to conquer Palestine with a Jewish Legion under the slogan 'In blood and fire shall Judea rise again' (pp. 83–98). When these apocalyptic hopes were dispelled and displaced by the mundane reality of the British Mandate, mainstream Zionism made a virtue of necessity and exalted labor as it proceeded to conquer Palestine 'dunum by dunum, goat by goat'. Force had not been abandoned, however. Shapira falsely counterposes settlement ('by virtue of labor') to force ('by dint of conquest'). Yet, settlement was force by other means. Its purpose, in Shapira's words, was to build a 'Jewish infrastructure in Palestine' so that 'the balance of power between Jews and Arabs had shifted in favor of the former' (pp. 121, 133; cf. p. 211). To the call of a Zionist leader on the morrow of Tel Hai that 'we must be a force in the land', Shapira adds the caveat: 'He was not referring to military might but, rather, to power in the sense of demography and colonization' (p. 113). Yet, Shapira willfully misses the basic point that 'demography and colonization' were equally force. Moreover, without the 'foreign bayonets' of the British Mandate, the Zionist movement could not have established even a toehold, let alone struck deep roots, in Palestine.51 Toward the end of the 1930s and especially after World War II, a concatenation of events – Britain's waning commitment to the Balfour Declaration, the escalation of Arab resistance, the strengthening of the Yishuv, etc. – caused a consensus to crystallize within the Zionist movement that the time was ripe to return to the original strategy of conquering Palestine 'by blood and fire'."
↑"Statement of the Zionist Organization regarding Palestine". Archived from the original on 12 February 2007. Retrieved 15 November 2011., retrieved 14 November 2011
↑Statement of the Zionist Organization Regarding Palestine, MidEast Web, accessed 17 August 2006.
↑Letter by Emir Feisal to Felix Frankfurter, published in full at amislam.com (collection of correspondence).
↑https://www.bjpa.org/content/upload/bjpa/reso/RESOLUTIONS%20OF%20THE%2018TH%20ZIONIST%20CONGRESS%20PRAGUE%20AUGUST%2021ST%20TO%20SEPT%203RD,%201933.pdf pages 5 and 6
↑Shimoni 1995, p.201: "The Histadrut is not a trade union, not a political party, not a cooperative society, nor is it a mutual aid association, although it does engage in trade union activity, in politics, cooperative organization and mutual aid. But it is much more than that. The Histadrut is a covenant of builders of a homeland, founders of a state, renewers of a nation, builders of an economy, creators of culture, reformers of a society."
↑Roy 2016, p.38: "The Mandate administration further exacerbated the problems of the Arab producer by pursuing fiscal policies that, in effect, promoted the development of the Jewish capitalist sector at the expense of the Arab noncapitalist sector. First, government expenditure in the five years between 1933 and 1937 was greatest for two single sectors: development and economic services, and defense. The former referred to the development of infrastructural services and public works—the improvement and construction of railways, roads, bridges, communications, telegraphs, harbors, and airports—which were far more important for capitalist (as opposed to noncapitalist) production, largely the domain of the Jewish sector."
↑Smith 2004, p.115: "[Jabotinsky] formed youth groups (Betar) whose practices, patterned after the tactics and symbols of fascism, included wearing brown shirts and using special salutes."
↑"Irgun Zvai Leumi | Jewish right-wing underground movement". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 22 March 2024. Retrieved 2 January 2016.
↑"Irgun's Hand Seen in Alps Rail Blast; Polish Jew Confesses He Was Lookout for Others Who Bombed British Train". The New York Times. 16 August 1947.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
↑W. Khalidi, 1971, 'From Haven to Conquest', p. 598
↑"Jewish Terrorism and Jewish Resistance". The Jewish Plan for Palestine—Memoranda and Statements presented by The Jewish Agency for Palestine to the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine. The Jewish Agency for Palestine, Jerusalem. 1947. pp.20–26.
↑"Major Political Developments". The Jewish Plan for Palestine—Memoranda and Statements presented by The Jewish Agency for Palestine to the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine. Jerusalem: Jewish Agency for Palestine. 1947. p.32.
↑Robson 2017, pp.115–116: "The members cited the Greek-Turkish exchange as a model for population exchange: "The courage of the Greek and Turkish statesmen has been justified by the result. Before the operation the Greek and Turkish minorities had been a constant irritant. Now Greco-Turkish relations are friendlier than they have ever been before.""
↑Katz 1992, p.59: "The Commission, however, believed that a secure peace could not be achieved solely by partition and the establishment of a boundary between the two countries. In its opinion, the attainment of peace would necessitate the implementation of population exchanges and land transfers between the Jewish and Arab states on the model of the Greco-Turkish precedent"
↑Flapan 1979, p.261: "Ben-Gurion declared unequivocally that sovereignty of the Jewish state, especially in matters of immigration and transfer of Arabs, were the two conditions sine qua non for his agreement to partition."
↑Gorny 1987, p.305: "In any event, the idea of a mass transfer did not strike them as morally deplorable at any time, and their hesitations related only to 'its political effectiveness."
↑Rubin 2019, p.12: "...Jabotinsky also rejected the [partition] plan on moral grounds, fiercely opposing the idea of transferring the Arab population from Palestine. Jabotinsky underscored this point in several letters and speeches from 1937, and expanded on it in an article published in the Revisionist Zionist publication Hayarden... Jabotinsky could not have been more clear about his opposition to transferring a single Arab from Palestine. He also argued that the Peel Commission drew the wrong lesson from the Greek–Turkish case. It was not a 'great precedent', as the commission noted in its report, but a tragedy that involved the expulsion of one million Greeks from Turkey."
Rubin 2019, p.15: "...in early 1940...Jabotinsky for the first time publicly proposed expelling Arabs from Palestine, even as he still noted that population transfers was by no means a necessary solution and repeated his promise for minority rights in the future Jewish state."
Schechtman 1956, p.326: "In his last book... he fully endorsed the idea of a voluntary Arab transfer from Palestine, though still insisting that it was not mandatory since, objectively, "Palestine, astride the Jordan, has room for the million of Arabs, room for another million of their eventual progeny, for several million Jews, and for peace.""
Shilon 2021: "...in his last book, The Jewish War Front, Jabotinsky did not rule out the possibility of population transfer—that is, expulsion of Arabs. The book was published in 1940, shortly before his death, and was written in the gloomy context of World War II: 'I see no need for this exodus, and it would be undesirable from many perspectives. But if it becomes clear that the Arabs prefer to emigrate, this may be discussed without a trace of sorrow in the heart.'"
↑Gorny 1987, p.323: "In the end, all of them accepted partition, less out of inner conviction than because of international pressure and force of national discipline, and in some cases were comforted by the thought that the path to a greater Palestine was still open."
↑Pappé 2004, p.107: "A British White Paper of 1939 tried to make provision for Palestinian sensibilities. It repeated the promises made in 1930 of withdrawal from the Balfour Declaration and limits to Jewish immigration and land purchase. The objective was to maintain the status quo until the situation in Europe was clear. The limitation on immigration came at a time when Nazi expansion in Europe was making life for Jews there unbearable and impossible. The Yishuv now waged its own kind of rebellion, a clandestine operation of illegal immigration, land takeover, and formation of a paramilitary organization, helped by sympathetic British officers such as the legendary Orde Wingate."
↑Pappé 2004, Palestine in World War II: "This was selective, in which the physically fit and those with the right ideological bent were given priority and, at times, exclusivity. This mode of selection was abandoned for a while when the horrific news of Nazi exterminations reached Palestine around 1942. The news even prompted the symbolic act of sending Zionist parachutists into Nazi Europe as a gesture of support to the Jews dying in the death camps rather than as a real attempt to save them. Little Zionist energy was invested in saving Jews, as the priority in those difficult days remained the survival of the Jewish community in Palestine."
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↑Morris 2004, pp.592–593: "In early March, the prospect of pan-Arab invasion gave rise to Plan D. It accorded the Haganah brigade and battalion-level commanders carte blanche to completely clear vital areas of Arab population. Many villages served as bases for bands of irregulars; most had militias that periodically assisted the irregulars in attacks on settlements and convoys. During April–May, Haganah units, usually under orders from HGS, carried out elements of Plan D, each unit interpreting and implementing the plan as it saw fit in light of local circumstances. The Haganah offensives were in large measure responses to Arab attacks. In general, the Jewish commanders preferred to completely clear the vital roads and border areas of Arab communities – Allon in Eastern Galilee, Carmel around Haifa and in Western Galilee, Avidan in the south. Most villagers fled before or during the fighting. Those who stayed put were almost invariably expelled."
↑Morris 2004, pp.191–192: "Jewish tactics in the battle were designed to stun and quickly overpower opposition; demoralisation was a primary aim. It was deemed just as important to the outcome as the physical destruction of the Arab units. The mortar barrages and the psychological warfare broadcasts and announcements, and the tactics employed by the infantry companies, advancing from house to house, were all geared to this goal. The orders of Carmeli's 22nd Battalion were 'to kill every [adult male] Arab encountered' and to set alight with firebombs 'all objectives that can be set alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic; disperse on route.'"
↑"A/1367/Rev.1 of 23 October 1950"(OpenDocument). unispal.un.org. United Nations. Archived from the original on 29 December 2021. Retrieved 28 January 2026.
↑Khalidi 2020, Chapter 1: "When the British left Palestine in 1948, there was no need to create the apparatus of a Jewish state ab novo. That apparatus had in fact been functioning under the British aegis for decades. All that remained to make Herzl's prescient dream a reality was for this existing para-state to flex its military muscle against the weakened Palestinians while obtaining formal sovereignty, which it did in May 1948. The fate of Palestine had thus been decided thirty years earlier, although the denouement did not come until the very end of the Mandate, when its Arab majority was finally dispossessed by force."
↑Shapira 2012, pp.94–95: "Ben-Gurion called it "Milkhemet Hakommemiut," a phrase that literally translates as "the War of Sovereignty" but whose actual meaning is somewhat vague and difficult to render. The closest phrase in English is "the War of Independence," which expresses the most important change that resulted from it—the achievement of Jewish sovereignty. The fighters of the Palmach—the precursor and spearhead of the new Israeli army—called it "the War of Liberation," as if it were another anticolonial war leading to liberation from the yoke of a foreign ruler, in this case the British. However, the war was not waged against the British, but against the Arabs."
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↑Masalha 2012, p.65: "The 'War of Liberation', which led to the creation of the State of Israel on 78 per cent of historic Palestine (not the 55 per cent according to the UN partition resolution), resulted not in 'equality for all citizens' 'as taught by the Hebrew prophets' but in the destruction of much of Palestinian society, and much of the Arab landscape, in the name of the Bible, by the Zionist Yishuv, a European settler community that emigrated to Palestine in the period between 1882 and 1948."
Slater 2020, p.406: "There is no serious dispute among Israeli, Palestinian, or other historians about the central facts of the Nakba. All of the leading Israeli New Historians—particularly Morris, Shlaim, Pappé, and Flapan—extensively examined the issue and revealed the facts. Other accounts have reached the same conclusions. For example, see Ben-Ami, 'A War to Start All Wars'; Rashid Khalidi, 'The Palestinians and 1948'; Walid Khalidi, 'Why Did the Palestinians Leave, Revisited'; Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians; Raz, Bride and the Dowry. Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that 'most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country' (Haaretz, 18 July 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé’s estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96). In another recent review of the evidence, the Israeli historian Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, 'Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like'). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli 'Old Historians' now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military 'necessity.' For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68. In July 2019, the Israeli government sought to cover up the extensive documentary evidence in its state archives that revealed detailed evidence about the extent of the Nakba—even the evidence that had already been published by newspapers and Israeli historians. A Haaretz investigation of the attempted cover-up concluded: 'Since early last decade, Defense Ministry teams have scoured local archives and removed troves of historic documents to conceal proof of the Nakba, including Israeli eyewitness reports at the time' (Shezaf, 'Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs')."
BBC News 2018: "up to 750,000 Palestinians who had lived on that land fled or were expelled from their homes."
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Further reading
Brenner, Michael, and Shelley Frisch. Zionism: A Brief History (2003). excerpt and text search
Cohen, Naomi. The Americanization of Zionism, 1897–1948 (2003). essays on specialized topics
Hazony, David (2007). "Zion and Moral Vision". In Hazony, David; Hazony, Yoram; Oren, Michael B. (eds.). New Essays on Zionism. Shalem Press. pp.168–197. ISBN978-9657052440.
Hertzberg, Arthur. The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader (1997)
Medoff, Rafael (1998). "Review Essay: Recent Trends in the Historiography of American Zionism". American Jewish History. 86: 117–134. doi:10.1353/ajh.1998.0002. S2CID143834470.
Urofsky, Melvin I. American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust (1995), the standard history
Wigoder, Geoffrey, ed. New Encyclopedia of Zionism and Israel (2nd ed. 2 vol. 1994)
Gottheil, Richard (1901–1906). "Zionism". In Singer, Isidore; et al. (eds.). The Jewish Encyclopedia. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. pp. 666–686. Archived from the original on 23 March 2025.