National Rally

While Ordre Nouveau had competed in some local elections since 1970, at its second congress, in June 1972, it decided to establish a new political party to contest the 1973 legislative elections.^[40][41] The party was launched on 5 October 1972 under the name National Front for French Unity (Front national pour l'unité française), or Front National.^[42] In order to create a broad movement, ON sought to model the new party on the more established Italian Social Movement (MSI), which at the time appeared to establish a broad coalition of the Italian hard right. The FN adopted a French version of the MSI tricolour flame as its logo.^[43][44][45] ON wanted to unite the various French far-right currents, and brought together "nationals" of Le Pen's group and Roger Holeindre's Party of French Unity; "nationalists" from Pierre Bousquet's Militant movement or François Brigneau's and Alain Robert's Ordre Nouveau; the anti-GaullistGeorges Bidault's Justice and Liberty movement; as well as former Poujadists, Algerian War veterans, and some monarchists, among others.^[42][46][47] Le Pen was chosen to be the first president of the party, as he was untainted with the militant public image of the ON and was a relatively moderate figure in the far-right.^[48][49]

The National Front fared poorly in the 1973 legislative elections, receiving 0.5% of the national vote, although Le Pen won 5% in his Paris constituency.^[50] In 1973, the party created a youth movement, the Front national de la jeunesse (National Front of Youth; FNJ). The rhetoric used in the campaign stressed old, far-right themes and was largely uninspiring to the electorate at the time.^[51] Otherwise, its official program at this point was relatively moderate, differing little from the mainstream right's.^[52] Le Pen sought the "total fusion" of the currents in the party, and warned against "crude activism."^[53] The FNJ were banned from the party later that year.^[54][51] The move towards the mainstream cost it many leading members and much of its militant base.^[54]

In the 1974 presidential election, Le Pen failed to find a mobilising theme for his campaign,^[55] since many of its platform's major issues, such as anti-communism, were shared by most of the mainstream right.^[56] Other FN issues included calls for increased French birth rates, immigration reduction (although this was downplayed), establishment of a professional army, abrogation of the Évian Accords, and generally the creation of a "French and European renaissance."^[57] Despite being the only nationalist candidate, he failed to gain the support of the whole of the far-right, as the various groups either rallied behind other candidates or called for voter abstention.^[58] The campaign further lost ground when the Revolutionary Communist League made public a report of Le Pen's alleged involvement in torture during his time in Algeria.^[58] In his first participation in a presidential election, Le Pen won only 0.8% of the national vote.^[58]

Following the 1974 election, the FN was obscured by the appearance of the Party of New Forces (PFN), founded by FN dissidents (largely from the ON).^[59][60] Their competition weakened both parties throughout the 1970s.^[59] Along with the growing influence of François Duprat and his "revolutionary nationalists", the FN gained several new groups of supporters in the late 1970s and early 1980s: Jean-Pierre Stirbois (1977) and his "solidarists", Bruno Gollnisch (1983), Bernard Antony (1984) and his Catholic fundamentalists, as well as Jean-Yves Le Gallou (1985) and the Nouvelle Droite.^[61][62] Following the death of Duprat in a bomb attack in 1978, the revolutionary nationalists left the party, while Stirbois became Le Pen's deputy as his solidarists effectively ousted the neo-fascist tendency in the party leadership.^[63] A radical group split off in 1980 and founded the French Nationalist Party, dismissing the FN as becoming "too Zionist" with Le Pen being a "puppet of the Jews."^[64] The far right was marginalised altogether in the 1978 legislative elections, although the PFN came out better off.^[65][66] In the first election for the European Parliament in 1979, the PFN became part of an attempt to build a "Euro-Right" alliance of the continent's far-right parties, and was in the end the only one of the two that contested the election.^[67] It fielded Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour as its primary candidate, while Le Pen called for voter abstention.^[68]

For the 1981 presidential election, both Le Pen and Pascal Gauchon of the PFN declared their intentions to run.^[68] However, an increased requirement regarding obtaining signatures of support from elected officials had been introduced for the election, which left both Le Pen and Gauchon unable to participate.^{[nb 4]}

The election was won by François Mitterrand of the Socialist Party (PS), a results that brought the political left to national power for the first time in the Fifth Republic; Mitterrand immediately dissolved the National Assembly and called a snap legislative election.^[69] With only three weeks to prepare its campaign, the FN fielded only a limited number of candidates and won only 0.2% of the national vote.^[56] The PFN was even worse off, and the election marked the effective end of competition from the party.^[56] The Socialists attained their best ever result with an absolute majority in the 1981 legislative election.^[70]

The "socialist takeover" led to a radicalisation in centre-right, anti-communist, and anti-socialist voters.^[71]

While the French party system had been dominated by polarisation and competition between the clear-cut ideological alternatives of two political blocs in the 1970s, the two blocs had largely moved towards the centre by the mid-1980s. This led many voters to perceive the blocs as more or less indistinguishable, particularly after the Socialists' "austerity turn" (tournant de la rigueur) of 1983,^[72] in turn inducing them to seek out to new political alternatives.^[73] By October 1982, Le Pen supported the prospect of deals with the mainstream right, provided that the FN did not have to soften its position on "key issues."^[74] In the 1983 municipal elections, the centre-right Rally for the Republic (RPR) and the centrist Union for French Democracy (UDF) formed alliances with the FN in a number of towns.^[74] The most notable result came in the 20th arrondissement of Paris, where Le Pen was elected to the local council with 11% of the vote.^[74][75] Subsequent by-elections kept media attention on the party, which was for the first time able to pose as a viable component of the broader right.^[76][77] In a by-election in Dreux in October 1983, the FN won 17% of the vote.^[74] With the choice of defeat to the political left or dealing with the FN, the local RPR and UDF agreed to form an alliance with the FN, causing a national sensation;^[74] together, they won the second round with 55% of the vote.^[75] The events in Dreux were a monumental turning point in the rise of the FN.^[78]

Le Pen protested the "media boycott" against his party by sending letters to President Mitterrand in mid-1982.^[76] Following an exchange of letters with Le Pen, Mitterrand instructed the heads of the main television channels to give equitable coverage to the FN.^[76] In January 1984, the party made its first appearance in a monthly poll of political popularity, in which 9% of respondents held a "positive opinion" of the FN and some support for Le Pen personally.^[76] The next month, Le Pen was, for the first time, invited on a prime-time television interview programme, which he himself later deemed "the hour that changed everything".^[76][79]

In the June 1984 European elections, the FN won 11% of the vote and ten seats,^{[80][nb 5]} in a contest that was considered to have a low level of importance by the public, which played to the party's advantage.^[81] The FN, notably, made inroads in both right-wing and left-wing constituencies, and finished 2nd in a number of towns.^[82] While many Socialists had arguably exploited the party in order to divide the right,^[83] Mitterrand later conceded that he had underestimated Le Pen.^[76] By July, 17% of opinion poll respondents held a positive opinion of the FN.^[84]

By the early 1980s, the FN featured a mosaic of ideological tendencies and attracted figures who were previously resistant to the party.^[84] The party managed to draw supporters from the mainstream right, including some high-profile defectors from the RPR, the UDF, and the National Centre of Independents and Peasants (CNIP).^[84] In the 1984 European elections, eleven of the 81 FN candidates came from these parties, while the party's list also included an Arab and a Jew - although in unwinnable positions.^[84] Former collaborators were also accepted in the party, as Le Pen urged the need for "reconciliation", arguing that forty years after the war the only important question was whether or not "they wish to serve their country".^[84] The FN won 8.7% overall support in the 1985 cantonal elections, netting over 30% in some areas.^[85]

For the 1986 legislative elections, the FN took advantage of the new, proportional representation system^{[nb 6][86]} and won 9.8% of the vote and 35 seats in the National Assembly.^[85] Many of these seats were filled by a new wave of "respectable" political operatives, notables, who had joined the party after its 1984 success.^[87][88] The RPR won a majority with smaller, centre-right parties, and thus avoided the need to deal with the FN.^[85] Although FN was unable to exercise any real political influence, the party could project an image of political legitimacy.^[88][89] Several of its legislative proposals were controversial and had a socially reactionary and xenophobic character, among them attempts to restore the death penalty, expel foreigners who "proportionally committed more crimes than the French", restrict naturalisation, introduce a "national preference" for employment, impose taxes on the hiring of foreigners by French companies, and privatise Agence France-Presse.^[90]

The party's time in the National Assembly effectively came to an end when Jacques Chirac reinstated the two-round system of majority voting for the next election.^[91] In the regional elections held on the same day, FN won 137 seats, and gained representation in 21 of the 22 French regional councils.^[85] The RPR depended on FN support to win presidencies in some regional councils, and the FN won vice-presidential posts in four regions.^[85]

Le Pen's campaign for the presidential election unofficially began in the months following the 1986 election.^[92] To promote his statesmanship credentials, he made trips to South East Asia, the United States, and Africa.^[92] The management of the formal campaign, launched in April 1987, was entrusted to Bruno Mégret, one of the new notables.^[92] With his entourage, Le Pen traversed France for the entire period and, helped by Mégret, employed an American-style campaign.^[93] Le Pen's presidential campaign was highly successful; no candidates came close to rival his ability to excite audiences at rallies and boost ratings at television appearances.^[92] Using a populist tone, he presented himself as the representative of the people against the "gang of four" (RPR, UDF, PS, Communist Party), while the central theme of his campaign was "national preference".^[92] In the 1988 presidential election, Le Pen won an unprecedented 14.4% of the vote,^[94] and double the votes of 1984.^[95]

In the snap 1988 legislative elections, the FN was hurt by the return of two-ballot majority voting, by the limited campaign period, and by the departure of many notables.^[89][96] In the election, the party retained its 9.8% support from the previous legislative election, but was reduced to a single seat in the National Assembly.^[96] Following some anti-Semitic comments made by Le Pen and the FN newspaper National Hebdo in the late 1980s, some valuable FN politicians left the party.^[97][98] Soon, other quarrels left the party without its remaining member of the National Assembly.^[99] In November 1988, general secretary Jean-Pierre Stirbois, who, together with his wife Marie-France, had been instrumental in the FN's early electoral successes, died in a car accident, leaving Bruno Mégret as the unrivalled, de facto FN deputy leader.^[92][99] The party only got 5% in the 1988 cantonal elections, while the RPR announced it would reject any alliance with the FN, a rejections that now included the local level.^[100]

In the 1989 European elections, the FN held on to its ten seats, winning 11.7% of the vote.^[101]

In the wake of FN's electoral success, the immigration debate, growing concerns over Islamic fundamentalism, and the fatwa against Salman Rushdie by Ayatollah Khomeini, the 1989 affaire du foulard was the first major test of the relations between the values of the French Republic and Islam.^[102] Following that success, surveys found that French public opinion was largely negative towards Islam.^[103] In a 1989 legislative by-election in Dreux, FN candidate Marie-France Stirbois, campaigning mostly on an anti-Islamism platform, returned a symbolic FN presence to the National Assembly.^[104] By the early 1990s, some mainstream politicians began also employing anti-immigration rhetoric.^[105] In the first round of the 1993 legislative elections, the FN soared to 12.7% of the overall vote, but did not win a single seat due to the nature of the electoral system.^{[nb 7][106][107]} In the 1995 presidential election, votes for Le Pen rose to 15% of the total.^[108]

The FN won an absolute majority (and thus the mayorship) in three cities in the 1995 municipal elections: Toulon, Marignane, and Orange.^{[nb 8][110]} Le Pen then declared that his party would implement its "national preference" policy, with the risk of provoking the central government and being at odds with the laws of the Republic.^[109] The FN's elected representatives pursued interventionist policies with regards to the new cultural complexion of their towns by directly influencing artistic events, cinema schedules, and library holdings, as well as cutting or halting subsidies for multicultural associations.^[111] The party won Vitrolles, its fourth town, in a 1997 by-election, where similar policies were subsequently pursued.^[112] Vitrolles' new mayor Catherine Mégret, who ran in place of her husband Bruno,^[113] went further in one significant measure, introducing a special 5,000-franc allowance for babies born to at least one parent of French (or EU) nationality.^[112] The measure was ruled illegal by a court, which sentenced her to a suspended prison sentence, a fine, and a two-year ban from office.^[112]

In the 1997 legislative elections, the FN polled its best-ever result with 15.3% support in metropolitan France.^[114][115] The result showed that the party had become established enough to compete without its leader, who had decided not to run, in order to focus on the 2002 presidential election.^[116] Although it won only one seat in the National Assembly, in Toulon,^[117] it advanced to the second round in 132 constituencies.^[118] The FN was arguably more influential at that time than it had been in 1986 with its 35 seats.^[119] While Bruno Mégret and Bruno Gollnisch, favoured tactical cooperation with a weakened centre-right following the left's victory, Le Pen rejected any such "compromise."^[120] In the tenth FN national congress in 1997, Mégret stepped up his position in the party as its rising star and a potential leader following Le Pen.^[121] Le Pen however refused to designate Mégret as his successor-elect, and instead made his wife Jany the leader of the FN list for the upcoming European election.^[122]

Mégret and his faction left the FN in January 1999 and founded the National Republican Movement (MNR), effectively splitting the FN in half at most levels.^[123][124] Many of those who joined the new MNR had joined the FN in the mid-1980s, in part from the Nouvelle Droite, with a vision of building bridges to the parliamentary right.^[123] Many had also been particularly influential in intellectualising the FN's policies on immigration, identity, and "national preference". Following the split, Le Pen denounced them as "extremist" and "racist".^[123] Support for the two parties was almost equal in the 1999 European election, as the FN polled its lowest national score since 1984 with just 5.7%, and the MNR won 3.3%.^[125] The effects of the split, and competition from more moderate nationalists, resulted in their combined support being lower than the FN result of 1984.^[126]

For the 2002 presidential election, opinion polls had predicted a run-off between incumbent President Chirac and Socialist candidate Lionel Jospin.^[127][128] In a shock outcome, Le Pen outperformed Jospin (by 0.7%) in the 1st round, placing second and advancing to the runoff.^[128] This resulted in the first presidential run-off since 1969 without a leftist candidate and the first ever with a candidate from the far-right.^[129] To Le Pen's advantage, the election campaign had increasingly focused on law-and-order issues, helped by media attention on a number of violent incidents.^[130] Jospin had also been weakened due to the competition between an exceptional number of leftist parties.^[131] Nevertheless, Chirac did not even have to campaign in the second round, as widespread anti-Le Pen protests from the media and public opinion culminated on May Day in a demonstration of 1.5 million participants across France.^[132] Chirac also refused to debate with Le Pen, and the traditional televised debate was cancelled.^[133] In the end, Chirac won the presidential run-off with an unprecedented 82.2% of the vote, with 71% of his votes—according to polls—cast simply "to block Le Pen".^[133] Following the presidential election, the main centre-right parties merged to form the broad-based Union for a Popular Movement (UMP).^[134] The FN failed to hold on to Le Pen's support for the 2002 legislative elections, in which it got 11.3% of the vote.^[135] It nevertheless outpolled Mégret's MNR, which had fielded the same number of candidates but won a mere 1.1% support.^[136]

A new electoral system of two-round voting had been introduced for the 2004 regional elections, in part in an attempt to reduce the FN's influence in regional councils.^[137] The FN won 15.1% of the vote in metropolitan France, almost the same as in 1998, but its number of councillors was almost halved due to the new system.^[138] For the 2004 European elections, too, a new system less favourable to the FN had been introduced.^[139] The party regained some of its strength from 1999, earning 9.8% of the vote and seven seats.^[139]

For the 2007 presidential election, Le Pen and Mégret agreed to join forces. Le Pen came 4th in the election with 11% of the vote, and the party won no seats in the legislative election of the same year. The party's 4.3% support was the lowest score since the 1981 election and only one candidate, Marine Le Pen in Pas de Calais, reached the runoff -where she was defeated by the Socialist incumbent. These electoral defeats partly accounted for the party's financial problems. Le Pen announced the sale of the FN headquarters in Saint-Cloud, Le Paquebot, and of his personal armoured car.^[140] In 2008, a French court handed Le Pen a three-month suspended sentence and a €10,000 fine for remarks he made in 2005 that contravened France's law against Holocaust denial.^[141] Twenty permanent employees of the FN were also dismissed in 2008.^[142]

In the 2010 regional elections the FN appeared to have re-emerged on the political scene after surprisingly winning almost 12% of the overall vote and 118 seats.^[143]

Jean-Marie Le Pen announced in September 2008 that he would retire as FN president in 2010.^[127] Le Pen's daughter Marine Le Pen and FN executive vice-president Bruno Gollnisch campaigned to succeed Le Pen,^[127] with Marine's candidacy backed by her father.^[127] On 15 January 2011, it was announced that Marine Le Pen had received the two-thirds vote needed to become the new leader of the FN.^[144][145] She embarked on a project to transform the FN into a "mainstream party" by softening its xenophobic image.^{[127][144][145]} Opinion polls showed the party's popularity increase under Marine Le Pen, and in the 2011 cantonal elections the party won 15% of the overall vote (up from 4.5% in 2008). However, due to the French electoral system, the party only won 2 of the 2,026 seats that were up for election.^[146] From January 2011 to December 2014 the FN's membership roughly tripled.^[147]

At the end of 2011, the National Front withdrew from the far-right Alliance of European National Movements and joined the more moderate European Alliance of Freedom. In October 2013, Bruno Gollnisch and Jean-Marie Le Pen resigned from their position in the AENM.

For the 2012 presidential election, opinion polls showed Marine Le Pen as a serious challenger, with a few polls even suggesting that she could win the first round of the election.^[148][149] In the event, Le Pen came 3rd in the first round, scoring 17.9% – the best showing ever in a presidential election for the FN at that time.

In the 2012 legislative election, the National Front won two seats: Gilbert Collard and Marion Maréchal.^{[150][151][152]}

In two polls about presidential favourites, conducted in April and May 2013,^[153] Marine le Pen polled ahead of president François Hollande but behind Nicolas Sarkozy.^[153]

In the municipal elections held on 23 and 30 March 2014, lists officially supported by the National Front won mayoralties in 12 cities: Beaucaire, Cogolin, Fréjus, Hayange, Hénin-Beaumont, Le Luc, Le Pontet, Mantes-la-Ville, the 7th arrondissement of Marseille, Villers-Cotterêts, Béziers and Camaret-sur-Aigues. While some of these cities were in southern France (like Fréjus) which traditionally votes more for right-wing parties than the rest of the country, others were located in northern France, where Socialist Party had been strong until the 2010s. Following these elections, the National Front had, in cities of over 1,000 inhabitants, 1,546 and 459 councilors at two different levels of local government.^[154] The international media described the results as "historic".^{[155][156][157]}

The National Front received 4,712,461 votes in the 2014 European Parliament election, finishing first with 24.86% of the vote and 24 of France's 74 seats.^[158] This was said to be "the first time the anti-immigrant, anti-EU party had won a nationwide election in its four-decade history."^[159] The party's success came as a "shock" in France and the EU.^[160][161]

At the conclusion of the 11 March 2018 party congress in Lille, Marine Le Pen proposed renaming the party to Rassemblement national (National Rally) while keeping the flame as its logo.^[29] The name was not unknown in French politics: it recalled both the National Popular Rally, a collaborationist party founded by Marcel Déat in 1941 with the help of Eugène Deloncle, founder of La Cagoule, and led by Georges Albertini during the Occupation^[162] and the Rassemblement National Français, founded by the far-right lawyer and politician Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, whose presidential campaign in 1965 was managed by Jean-Marie Le Pen.^[163] It had already been used by the FN for its parliamentary group between 1986 and 1988. Nevertheless, the name change faced opposition from an already-existing party named "Rassemblement national", whose president, Igor Kurek, described the group as "Gaullist and republican right" and who had registered the name with the INPI in 2013.^[164][165] On 1 June, Le Pen announced that the name change was approved by party adherents with 80.81% in favour.^[30]

On 24 April 2017, a day after the first round of the presidential election, Marine Le Pen announced that she would temporarily step down as the party's leader in an attempt to "unite voters."^[166] In the second round of voting, Le Pen was defeated 66.1% to 33.9% by her rival Emmanuel Macron of En Marche!^[167]

During the following parliamentary elections, the FN received 13.02% of the vote, a little lower than the 13.07% of the 2012 elections. The party appeared to have suffered from a demobilisation of its voters from the previous vote. Nonetheless, eight deputies (six FN and two affiliated) were elected, the best number for the FN in a parliamentary election using a majoritarian electoral system since its creation.^{[nb 9]} Marine Le Pen was elected to the National Assembly for the first time, while Gilbert Collard was re-elected. FN's 23-year-old Ludovic Pajot became the youngest ever member of the French parliament.

In late 2017, Florian Philippot left the FN and formed The Patriots, on the grounds that the FN had "softened" its position on leaving the EU and abandoning the Euro.^[168]

In 2018, Steve Bannon, former advisor to Donald Trump before and after his 2016 election, gave what has been described as a "populist pep talk".^[169] Bannon advised the party members to "Let them call you racist, let them call you xenophobes, let them call you nativists. Wear it like a badge of honor. Because every day, we get stronger and they get weaker. ... History is on our side and will bring us victory." Bannon's remarks brought the members to their feet.^{[170][171][172]}

In January 2019, ex-Sarkozy minister Thierry Mariani and former conservative lawmaker Jean-Paul Garraud, left Les Républicains (LR) and joined the National Rally.^[173]

During a 2021 debate, Marine Le Pen was called "soft" on Islam by the Minister of the Interior in Macron's government, Gérald Darmanin.^[174] Marine Le Pen called for a "national-unity government" that would include persons such as Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, former LR officials, and souverainistes on the left, such as former economy minister Arnaud Montebourg.^[175]

In the months before the 2021 French regional elections, political commentators noted an increased moderation in the FN's platform that aimed to attract conservative voters,^[176] as well as a new image being promoted by the party as a force of la droite populaire, i.e. the popular right, the social right.^[177][178] The party, nonetheless, fared badly in these elections.^[179]

In the 2022 French presidential election, Le Pen again reached the 2nd round with 23.15% of the votes, though she was defeated by incumbent Macron, after receiving 41.45% of the votes in the run-off.^[180] Marine Le Pen received 13 million votes in the second round, more than double the 5.25 million Jean Marie Le Pen received in 2002.^[181]

In the 2022 French legislative election, for which polling had indicated that FN would win only between 15 and 45 seats in the National Assembly, the party received 18.68% of the votes in the first round^[182] and won 89 seats in the second round,^[183] a significant increase from the previous total of 8 seats. The 89 seats enabled the National Rally to form a parliamentary group, for which at least 15 deputies are required, for the first time since 1986, when the national assembly was elected by proportional voting. The result made the party the 3rd largest party in the assembly and the largest parliamentary opposition group.^[184]

In the 2024 European parliamentary elections, the RN won the most delegates of any single party (30). It won 31.4% of the vote, the first time since 1984 that a list had won more than 30% of the vote in a European Parliament election in France.^[185] On 8 July, Bardella became president of the Patriots for Europe, originally founded by Viktor Orbán with the Czech ANO and the Austrian FPÖ parties on a platform of refusing military aid to Ukraine, anti-immigration, and pro-"traditional family" values.^[186] The group, the third largest in the parliament, also includes members from the Flemish Vlaams Belang, the Dutch PVV,^[187] and the Italian Lega per Salvini Premier.^[188]

The National Rally's success in the European elections led to the dissolution of the French lower house by Emmanuel Macron on 9 June 2024.^[189]

In June 2024, the party joined with the micro-party "To the right! Friends of Eric Ciotti", forming the union of the far-right in the 2024 French legislative election.^[190] Together, these parties secured the largest share of the vote in the first round with 33.15% of the vote.^[191] More voters who reported struggling financially voted for the RN than for any other party.^[192]

Based on their first round performance, the RN will receive around €15 million per year in government subsidies for the next five years: each vote in the first round was worth €1.61 per year to the party.^[190]

According to opinion polls, the National Rally were expected to get 230–270 seats, close to an absolute majority, However, 2–3 days before the second round, the RN were predicted to win around 170–220 seats. After the exit polls on 7 July, that figure was reduced to 120–170 seats, and the New Popular Front were predicted to win 150–190 seats, slightly ahead of president Macron's Ensemble alliance. Finally, the RN won only 142 seats, ranking third in the election.

The National Rally won vast swathes of southern France, including every seat in the departement of Gard.^[193]

The party opposed the 2016 criminalisation of prostitution in France on the grounds that it would negatively affect the safety of sex workers.^[208]

In the 2002 legislative elections, the first under the new gender parity provision in the French Constitution, Le Pen's National Front was among the few parties to come close to meeting the law, with 49% female candidates; Jospin's Socialists had 36%, and Chirac's UMP had 19.6%.^[209] Women voters in France were traditionally more attracted to mainstream conservative parties than the radical right until the 2000s. The proportion of women in the party has risen to 39% by 2017.^[210]

In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen campaigned on a law-and-order platform of zero tolerance, harsher sentencing, increased prison capacity, and a referendum on re-introducing the death penalty.^[129] In its 2001 programme, the party linked the breakdown of law and order to immigration, deeming immigration a "mortal threat to civil peace in France."^[131]

Marine Le Pen rescinded the party's traditional support for the death penalty with her 2017 campaign launch, instead announcing support for imprisonment "in perpetuity" for the "worst crimes" in February 2017.^[211] In 2022, she proposed to hold a referendum on capital punishment in France if she were elected.^[212]

The National Rally has sought to restrict Islamic practice in France. In 2011, Marine Le Pen warned that wearing full-face veils is "the tip of the iceberg" of Islamisation of French culture.^[219] In 2021,^[220] and again in 2022, Le Pen again proposed banning the hijab (headscarf which only covers the head but not face) in public.^[221] Le Pen also proposed to ban the production of both halal and kosher meat.^[221] Le Pen says she is "against the visibility of Islam" but not Islam per se.^[222][223]

The National Rally is considered Islamophobic by many.^{[224][225][221][226][227]} The party has connected immigration to Islamic terrorism.^[228]

In 2015, Marine Le Pen described Russian President Vladimir Putin as a "defender of the Christian heritage of European civilisation."^[265] The National Front considers that Ukraine has been subjugated by the United States, through the Revolution of Dignity. The National Front denounces anti-Russian feelings in Eastern Europe and the submission of Western Europe to "Washington's" interests in the region.^[266] Marine Le Pen is very critical against the threats of sanctions directed by the international community against Russia: "European countries should seek a solution through diplomacy rather than making threats that could lead to an escalation." She argues that the United States is leading a new Cold War against Russia. She sees no other solution for peace in Ukraine than to organise a kind of federation that would allow each region a large degree of autonomy.^[267] She thinks Ukraine should be sovereign and free as any other nation.^[268]

Luke Harding wrote in The Guardian that the National Front's MEPs were a "pro-Russian bloc."^[269] In 2014, the Nouvel Observateur said that the Russian government considered the National Front "capable of seizing power in France and changing the course of European history in Moscow's favour."^[270] According to the French media, party leaders had frequent contact with Russian ambassador Alexander Orlov and Marine Le Pen made multiple trips to Moscow.^[271] In May 2015, one of her advisers, Emmanuel Leroy, attended an event in Donetsk marking the "independence" of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic.^[272]

The RN remains divided on relations with Russia, with Bardella stating that he believed Russia threatened French security. At the same time, Thierry Mariani suggested it was not a threat to France or Europe.^[273] The more pro-Russian Mariani has been described as in conflict with Pierre-Romain Thionnet, who has advocated a more pro-Ukrainian line, with Bardella maintaining a balance between the two positions.^[274]

During the 2022 French presidential election, Le Pen supported sending non-lethal defensive aid to Ukraine in the Russo-Ukrainian War, but not heavy weapons that would make France a "co-belligerent" in the conflict.^[242] Similarly, Bardella has expressed support for defense equipment, ammunition, and logistical assistance to Ukraine but maintains opposition to giving long-range missiles to Ukraine or deploying French soldiers there.^[275] He is also opposed to Ukrainian NATO membership, suggesting it could escalate the war.^[276]

Since their entry into the European Parliament in 1979, the National Rally has promoted a message of being pro-Europe but anti-EU.^[277] However, in 2019, the proposal that France leave the Eurozone and the EU was removed from the party's manifesto, which has since called for "reform from within" of the union.^{[278][279][280]} The party advocates that EU legislation should be initiated by the Council of the EU rather than the European Commission, and that French laws should have primacy over EU laws.^[32][212]

The party's stance on NATO has varied throughout the years. Under Jean-Marie Le Pen's leadership, the party advocated a complete withdrawal from the organization, while under Marine Le Pen's leadership, the party has softened its stance to advocate leaving NATO's integrated military command structure, which France joined in 2009.^{[281][282][283][284]}Jordan Bardella later added that the RN would not advocate withdrawing France from the integrated command while the Russian invasion of Ukraine was ongoing.^[285]

The party had five vice presidents between July 2012 and March 2018 (against three previously).^[311]

• Alain Jamet, first vice president (2011–2014)^[312]
• Louis Aliot, in charge of training and demonstrations (2011–2018)^[313]
• Marie-Christine Arnautu, in charge of social affairs (2011–2018)^[314]
• Jean-François Jalkh, in charge of elections and electoral litigations (2012–2018)^[315]
• Florian Philippot, in charge of strategy and communication (2012–2017)^[316]
• Steeve Briois, in charge of local executives and supervision (2014–2018)^[317]
• Jordan Bardella, (2019–2022)

In March 2018, the position of vice-president replaced that of General Secretary.^[308] It became a duo in June 2019:^[318]

• Louis Aliot
• David Rachline
• Steeve Briois (2018–2022)
• Hélène Laporte (2022–present)

The position of General Secretary was held between 1972 and 2018:^[308]

• Alain Robert (1972–1973)
• Dominique Chaboche (1973–1976)
• Victor Barthélemy (1976–1978)
• Alain Renault (1978–1980)
• Pierre Gérard (1980–1981)
• Jean-Pierre Stirbois (1981–1988)
• Carl Lang (1988–1995)
• Bruno Gollnisch (1995–2005)
• Louis Aliot (2005–2010)
• Jean-François Jalkh (2010–2011; interim period during the internal campaign)
• Steeve Briois (2011–2014)
• Nicolas Bay (2014–2017)
• Steeve Briois (2017–2018)

The FN has been part of several groups in the European Parliament. The first group it helped co-establish was the European Right after the 1984 election, which also consisted of the Italian Social Movement (MSI), its early inspiration, and the Greek National Political Union.^[319] Following the 1989 election, it teamed up with the German Republicans and the Belgian Vlaams Blok in a new European Right group, while the MSI left due to the Germans' arrival.^[320] As the MSI evolved into the National Alliance, it chose to distance itself from the FN.^[321]

From 1999 to 2001, the FN was a member of the Technical Group of Independents. In 2007, it was part of the short-lived Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty group. Between the mentioned groups, the party sat among the non-affiliated Non-Inscrits. It was part of the Identity and Democracy group.

It was formerly known as the Europe of Nations and Freedom group, during which time it also included the Polish Congress of the New Right, a former member of the UK Independence Party and a former member of Romania's Conservative Party. The RN has also been part of the Identity and Democracy Party (formerly the Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedom) since 2014, which additionally includes Slovakia's We Are Family and the Bulgarian Volya Movement, which was later renamed Patriots.eu. After the 2024 European Parliament election, the National Rally joined the Patriots for Europe group with Fidesz, Vox, the Czech ANO 2011, the Portuguese Chega, the Greek Voice of Reason, Latvia First and most former ID members, with Bardella ultimately chairing the group.^[322]

During Jean-Marie Le Pen's presidency, the party has also been active in establishing extra-parliamentary confederations. During the FN's 1997 national congress, the FN established the loose Euronat group, which consisted of a variety of European right-wing parties. Having failed to cooperate in the European Parliament, Le Pen sought in the mid-1990s to initiate contacts with other far-right parties, including from non-EU countries. The FN drew most support in Central and Eastern Europe, and Le Pen visited the Turkish Welfare Party. The significant Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) refused to join the efforts, as Jörg Haider sought to distance himself from Le Pen, and later attempted to build a separate group.^[247][323] In 2009, the FN joined the Alliance of European National Movements; it left the alliance since. Along with some other European parties, the FN in 2010 visited Japan's Issuikai ("right-wing") movement and the Yasukuni Shrine.^[324]

At a conference in 2011, the two new leaders of the FN and the FPÖ, Marine Le Pen and Heinz-Christian Strache, announced deeper cooperation between their parties.^[325] Pursuing her de-demonisation policy, in October 2011, Marine Le Pen, as new president of the National Front, joined the European Alliance for Freedom (EAF).^[326] The EAF is a pan-European sovereigntist platform founded late 2010 that is recognised by the European Parliament. The EAF has individual members linked to the Austrian Freedom Party of Heinz-Christian Strache, the UK Independence Party, and other movements such as the Sweden Democrats, Vlaams Belang (Belgian Flanders), Germany (Bürger in Wut), and Slovakia (Slovak National Party).^[327]

During her 2012 visit to the United States, Marine Le Pen met two Republican members of the U.S. House of Representatives associated with the Tea Party movement, Joe Walsh, who is known for his strong stance against Islam, which Domenic Powell argues, rises to Islamophobia^[328] and three-time presidential candidate Ron Paul, whom Le Pen complimented for his stance on the gold standard.^[329] In February 2017, two more conservative Republican Congressmen, Steve King and Dana Rohrabacher, also met with Le Pen in Paris.^[330]

The party also has ties to Steve Bannon, who served as White House Chief Strategist under President Donald Trump, and addressed an RN event in 2018.^[331][332]

The FN allied with the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) in November 2013, after years of the PVV rejecting collaboration with the FN.^[333] Similarly, in December 2013, the FN formed an alliance with Matteo Salvini, the new leader of the Lega Nord, which had previously eschewed cooperation with the FN when it was led by Umberto Bossi.^[334][335]

In 2014, UK Independence Party leader Nigel Farage was critical of the FN, claiming that the FN's association with "anti-Semitism and general prejudice" made it impossible for UKIP to join Le Pen's efforts for a united right-wing populist European Parliament group^[336][337] despite an invitation from PVV leader Wilders.^[338]

In 2017, Marine Le Pen met with and was interviewed for the British radio station LBC by Farage, who praised Le Pen and expressed support for her presidential bid.^[339] Prior to the 2019 European Parliament election, Farage's Brexit Party initially considered forming a joint group in the next European Parliament, but ultimately once again declined.^{[340][341][342]} In 2024, Farage, in his capacity as the leader of Reform UK, distanced himself from the RN, describing its economic agenda as a "disaster" for France.^[343][344] However, in December 2025, Farage met Bardella, with Bardella advocating for a "patriotic alliance" with Reform UK and expressing support for Farage becoming the next British Prime Minister.^{[345][346][347]} Reform UK later announced that Bardella would address the 2026 Reform UK conference in September 2026.^[348]

Though the FN had close contacts with Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy (FdI) from 2013 onwards,^[349] the relationship between the RN and FdI became strained in 2022, after Meloni publicly declined to support Le Pen's 2022 presidential bid.^[350]

In 2023, Meloni complained to French President Emmanuel Macron after he compared her to Le Pen,^[351] while Le Pen criticised Meloni's illegal immigration policies.^[352]

However, in early 2024, Le Pen and Meloni made overtures to one another, declining to rule out future cooperation between their parties.^[353] In July 2024, Meloni praised Le Pen's alliance with Eric Ciotti and Marion Maréchal during the 2024 French legislative election, congratulated the RN on its success in the first round of the election, and expressed preference for the right-wing alliance in the second round of the election.^[354]

In addition, the party has had relations with Krasimir Karakachanov's IMRO – Bulgarian National Movement in 2014^[355] and Nenad Popović's Serbian People's Party since 2021.^[356] The RN was critical of the decision to allow the Bulgarian Revival to join the ID Party in 2024.^[357]

Since 2018, the RN has had relations with Santiago Abascal's Vox in Spain.^[358] In 2024, Vox had Le Pen address its conference, despite Vox being a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group; after the election, Vox joined the RN in Patriots for Europe.^[359]

In 2019, RN MEPs participated in the first international delegation to visit India's Jammu and Kashmir following the decision by Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party government to revoke the special status of Jammu and Kashmir. The delegation was not sanctioned by the European Parliament, and consisted mostly of right-wing populist politicians including MEPs from Vox, AfD, the Northern League, Vlaams Belang, the British Brexit Party, and Poland's Law and Justice party.^[360][361]

In October 2021, Le Pen met with Fidesz leader and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki from the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and Slovenian Democratic Party leader and Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Janša.^[362] Both PiS and Fidesz had previously rejected cooperation with Le Pen in 2019.^[342] Orbán subsequently supported Le Pen during the 2022 French presidential election.^[363] Morawiecki later expressed openness to the RN joining the European Conservatives and Reformists Group in February 2024.^[364]

Relations with the AfD deteriorated in early 2024, following Le Pen's disagreements with the AfD members' discussions over remigration^[365] and the AfD questioning French control of Mayotte.^[366] In May 2024, the RN announced it would end its alliance with the AfD in the next European Parliament term.^[367]

During the 2024 French legislative election, Israeli minister Amichai Chikli expressed support for Le Pen and the National Rally, and suggested that Likud leader and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shared his views, prompting a rebuke by President Macron.^[368] Chikli later described his relations with the RN, stating it was "natural that conservative leaders will have good relations with conservative leaders all across the globe".^[369]

During and after the 2024 United States presidential election, the National Rally distanced itself from Trump, banning its MPs from commenting on the election.^{[370][371][372][373]}