Bhaktivinoda Thakur

Bhaktivinoda Thakur's memorial at his birthplace in Birnagar, West Bengal

A shrine at the actual site of birth

The entrance to Kedamath Datta's matemal home in Birnagar (Ula), West Bengal under renovation. 2014

Kedarnath was born on 2 September 1838 in the village of Ula (presently Birnagar) in Bengal, some 100 kilometres (62 miles) north of modern-day Kolkata.^[19] Both his father, Ananda Chandra Dutta, and mother, Jagat Mohini Devi, hailed from kayastha families.^[20]

After a village schooling, he continued his education at Hindu College in Calcutta, where he acquainted himself with contemporary Western philosophy and theology. There he became a close associate of literary and intellectual figures of the Bengali Renaissance, such as Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, and Sisir Kumar Ghosh.' In his youth he spent time researching and comparing various religious and philosophical systems, both Indian and Western, with a view of finding among them a comprehensive, authentic and intellectually satisfying path. At 18, he began a teaching career in rural areas of Bengal and Orissa until he became an employee with the British Raj in the Judicial Service, from which he retired in 1894 as District Magistrate.

From the time of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1486–1533), the paternal Datta lineage were Vaishnavas and counted among their ranks Krishnananda, an associate of Nityananda Prabhu. Kedarnath's mother, Jagan Mohini Devi (born Mitra), was a descendant of Rameshwar Mitra, a zamindar (landowner) of the 18th century.^[21] Kedarnath's great-grandfather (along with many other 18th century Dattas), Ramtanu Datta, converted to Shaktism and Durga-Kali worship.^[22] Kedaranath in his autobiography Svalikhita-jivani refers to his father, Anand Chandra Dutta, as a "straightforward, clean, religious man"^[23] and describes his mother as "a sober woman possessed of many unique qualities".^[24]

Kedarnath was the third of six children of Anand Chandra and Jagat Mohini, preceded by older brothers Abhaykali (died before Kedarnath's birth) and Kaliprasanna and followed by three younger siblings: sister Hemlata and brothers Haridas and Gauridas.^[4][23] Kedarnath evoked affection of his mother, who prayed for his survival.^[19]

Prior to his birth, financial circumstances had forced his parents to relocate from Calcutta to Ula, where he was born and grew up in the palace of his maternal grandfather, Ishwar Chandra Mustauphi, a landowner known for his generosity.^[23]

From the age of five, Kedarnath attended the village school in Ula. Later, when an English school opened there, he showed interest in the English language, attending the classes during lunch, that the headmaster of the school convinced Anand Chandra to let the boy study there.^[4][25] At the age of seven Kadarnath was transferred to another English school in Krishnanagar.^[25]

In the following years Kedarnath's family faced a series of calamities. All three of his brothers died of cholera, soon followed by their father, Anand Chandra. The financial situation of his widowed mother worsened as his maternal grandfather, Ishwar Chandra, incurred huge debts due to the oppressive Permanent Settlement Act and ended up bankrupt.^[26] In 1850, when Kedarnath was 12, in accordance with the upper-class Hindu customs Jagat Mohini married him to a five-year-old Shaymani Mitra of Ranaghat, hoping to sever Kedarnath's connection with the ill fate of his own family and replace it with the good karma of the in-laws.^[27] Soon after the wedding Ishwar Chandra died, leaving the responsibility for his troubled estate on the widow with two young children.^[28] Kedarnath recalls:

Everybody thought that my mother had a lot of money and jewelry, so no one would help. All her wealth was lost except for a few properties. There was so much debt and I was full of anxiety. I was unqualified to look after the affairs of the estate. My grandfather's house was huge. The guards were few and I was afraid of thieves at night so I had to give the guards bamboo sticks to carry.^[28]

These hardships made Kedarnath question the meaning of life and ponder over reasons for human sufferings. He felt unconvinced by conventional explanations and started doubting the reality of the many Hindu gods and goddesses worshiped in village temples. Exposed to contradictory views ranging from religious beliefs to tantric practices, exorcism, superstitions and atheism, Kedarnath found himself in a state of disappointment and philosophical confusion. It was at that time that an encounter with an old woman who advised him to chant the name of Rama made an impact on him, planting the seed of the Vaishnava faith that he maintained throughout his life.^[29]

New challenges and responsibilities caused Kedarnath to visit Calcutta for the first time. The trip, further developed his curiosity for European life and customs. Back in Ula he continued struggling to maintain the property inherited from his grandfather. This took a toll on his education. Finally, in 1852 his maternal uncle, Kashiprasad Ghosh, a famous poet and newspaper editor, visited Ula and, impressed with the talented boy, convinced Jagat Mohini to send Kedarnath to Calcutta to further his studies. In November 1852, leaving his mother and sister behind in Ula, Kedarnath moved to Ghosh's house on Beadon Street in the middle of Calcutta.^[30]

Calcutta was a multicultural city, different from Kedarnath's experience.^[31] His maternal uncle Kashiprasad Ghosh, a graduate of the Hindu College of Calcutta, was a champion of Westernisation, the editor of the English-language Hindu Intelligencer, a journal which propagated the ideas of the bhadralok, and a patriotic poet praised even by the British.^[32]

Kedarnath stayed with Kashiprasad Ghosh until 1858 and became steeped in the lifestyle of the bhadralok and immersed in studying a range of Western philosophical, poetic, political, and religious texts.^[33] Kadarnath studied at the Hindu Charitable Institute^[4] between 1852 and 1856. There he met one of the bhadralok Hindu intellectuals of the time, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar (1820–1891), who became his tutor, his mentor, and a lifelong friend.^[34]

While excelling in his studies, especially in the English language and writing, Kedarnath started writing his own poems and articles.^[35] Exposed to and influenced by the views of the acquaintances of Kashiprasad who frequented his home, Kristo Das Pal, Shambhu Mukhopadhyay, Baneshwar Vidyalankar, and others – Kedarnath started regularly contributing to the Hindu Intelligencer, critiquing contemporary social and political issues from a bhadralok viewpoint.^[36] Eventually, Kedarnath felt confident enough in his studies and in 1856 enrolled in the Hindu College (Calcutta) where for the next two years he continued his studies under Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar in the company of remarkable classmates such as Keshub Chandra Sen, Nabagopal Mitra, and the elder brothers of Rabindranath Tagore: Satyendranath and Ganendranath.^[37] Becoming involved in the intellectual values of the bhadralok community, Kedarnath along with his classmates started taking public-speaking lessons from the British parliamentarian and abolitionist George Thompson (1804–1878).^[37] At the same time, Kedarnath published his first major literary work, a two-volume historical poem titled The Poriade, which earned him both a name as a poet and some income.^[38]

Kedarnath's health deteriorated due to poor drinking water and the challenging environment of Calcutta. He made regular visits to his mother and sister in Ula for recovery and convalescence.^[39] He was treated by a fakir physician of the leather worker caste who belonged to the heterodox Kartābhajā sect of Chaitanyite Vaishnavism. Kedarnath soon took initiation from the fakīr's guru who gave Kedarnath a Krishna mantra and encouraged him to become a vegetarian; later in life Kedarnath theologically criticised the Kartabhajas but acknowledged their influence in moving him towards Gaudiya Vaishnavism. However, when in 1856^[40][a] an outbreak of cholera wiped out the whole village of Ula, killing his sister Hemlata and sparing his mother, Kedarnath took her along with his grandmother to Calcutta for good.^[41] The devastation of Ula marked a turning point in Kedarnath's attitude to life. He writes:

At that time I was seventeen years old and I had to face terrible hardships. There was no money. I could hardly speak to anyone. Everyone thought that my mother had a lakh [100,000] of rupees, no one believed that we were poor. I saw no hope. My mind became apathetic, the house was empty. I had no strength and my heart was dying of pain.^[42]

Finding himself disoriented, he sought shelter in his friendship with the Tagore brothers. There he overcame his crisis and started moving towards a religious rather than social and political outlook on life. Along with Dvijendranath Tagore, Kedarnath started studying Sanskrit and the theological writings of such authors as Kant, Goethe, Hegel, Swedenborg, Hume, Voltaire, and Schopenhauer; for a time he was attracted to the Brahmo Samaj and its monotheism before it eventually lost its appeal.^[43] At the same time, Kedarnath daily met with Charles Dall, a Unitarian minister from the American Unitarian Association of Boston posted to Calcutta for propagating Unitarian ideas among the educated Bengalis. Under Dall's guidance, Kedarnath studied the Bible and the Unitarian writings of Channing, Emerson, Parker, and others.^[44] While developing a faith in Jesus and a fascination for the liberalism and syncretism of Unitarian religious teachings, the young Kedarnath also studied George Sale's translation of the Qur'an.^[45]

Dire financial strain and obligations to maintain his young wife and aging mother caused Kedarnath to look for employment.^[46] Finding a well-paid job in Calcutta – especially a job compatible with his high ethical values^[b] – was nearly impossible.^[48] After a few unsuccessful stints as a teacher and after incurring a debt, Kedarnath along with his mother and wife accepted the invitation of Rajballabh, his paternal grandfather in Orissa, and in the spring of 1858 left for the Orissan village of Chutimangal.^[47][49]

In Chutimangal, Kedarnath Datta began his career as an English teacher – first at the local village school, and then, after passing a qualifying examination, at a school in Cuttack.^[4][50] From 1862 until 1865 he served as the first headmaster of Bhadrak High School (currently Zilla School) in Bhadrak.^[50] His finances improved, allowing him to devote more time to studying, writing, and lecturing.^[50] This helped establish him as an intellectual and cultural voice within the local bhadralok community, and soon a following of his own formed, consisting of students drawn to his discourses and personal tutorship on religious and philosophical topics.^[51]

In August 1860 his first son, Annada Datta, was born. Ten months later, Kedarnath's wife died.^[52] Widowed and with an infant to care for at twenty-three, Kedarnath married Bhagavati Devi, a daughter of Gangamoy Roy of Jakpore. She become his companion and the mother of his other thirteen children.^[53][54][c] After a short tenure as the head clerk at the Bardhaman revenue collector's office, Kedarnath left the position and accepted a clerical post elsewhere.^[54][58]

These external events as well as the internal conflict between morality and need moved Kedarnath towards introspection in search for a more appealing concept of God, as accepted in Christianity (towards which he leaned) and Vaishnavism.^[59][60][61] A meeting with a jāti Vaishnava in Midnapore exposed Kedarnath to Chaitanya and Vaishnavism. Kedarnath tried to acquire a copy of Chaitanya Caritamrita and the Bhagavata Purana, principal scriptures for Gaudiya Vaishnavas, but failed. The death of his wife greatly affected him, and he struggled to reconcile his intellectual leanings towards the formlessness of God and his emotional prayers to a personal deity.^[59][62]

This period was also marked with Kedarnath's budding literary gift. Taking advantage of the tranquility of his new clerical job, he composed the Bengali poems Vijanagrama and Sannyasi, lauded for their poetic meter, which incorporated the style of Milton and Byron into Bengali verse.^[58] He also authored an article on Vaishnavism as well as a book, Our Wants.^[63]

As Bhagavati Devi gave birth to Kedarnath's second child, daughter Saudhamani (1864), the need to secure a more stable income for his growing family made Kedarnath seek a job with the British government.^[64][65]

In February 1866 Kedarnath Datta received, with a friend's help, a position with the Registrar's office as a "Special Deputy Registrar of Assurances with Powers of a Deputy Magistrate and Deputy Collector" in Chhapra in the Saran district of Bihar.^[66][67] In colonial Bengal a job at the executive government service, staffed by the bhadralok (except for the top management tier, occupied by the British), was the coveted achievement. It ensured one's financial security, social status, and protected retirement.^[68][67] During the next twenty-eight years, Kedarnath rose through the ranks of civil service from sixth grade to second grade, which entailed authority.^[69][65][d] Kedarnath gradually established himself with the British authorities as a responsible and efficient officer and a man of integrity.^[70] The course of his government service took him and his growing family to twenty different locations in Bihar, Bengal, and Orissa.^[71][72] This allowed him to study different cultures, languages, and religions. He also showed himself a linguistic savant, within a short time learning Urdu and Persian, required for his government duties.^[73] He also mastered Sanskrit for his Vaishnava pursuits, enough to be able to read the Bhagavata Purana with traditional commentaries and to write his own Sanskrit poetry.^[74]

When Kedarnath suffered from prolonged bouts of fever and colitis,^[e] he took advantage of the paid sick leave to visit Mathura and Vrindavana – sacred places for Gaudiya Vaishnavas.^[75][76]

In 1868, Kedarnath became Deputy Magistrate in Dinajpur, a city with a strong Vaishnava community. After an eight-year search, in 1868 he found a copy of Chaitanya's biography Chaitanya Caritamrita by Krishnadasa Kaviraja and a translation of the Bhagavata Purana.^[77][78] He became appreciative of Chaitanya's teaching but struggled to reconcile it with the Christian and Unitarian-influenced bhadraloka perception of Krishna, Chaitanya's God described in the Bhagavata Purana, as "basically a wrong-doer."^[77][78] He concluded that both faith and reason have their respective, complementary places in religious experience, and neither can be ousted from it altogether.^[59][77] Kedarnath describes the transformation he went through while reading the long sought-after scripture:

My first reading of Caitanya Caritamrita created some faith in Caitanya. On the second reading I understood that Caitanya was unequalled, but l doubted how such a good scholar with so high a level of prema could recommend the worship of Krishna, who had such a questionable character. I was amazed, and I thought about this in detail. Afterwards, I humbly prayed to God, "O Lord, please give me the understanding to know the secret of this matter." The mercy of God is without limit and so I soon understood. From then on I believed that Caitanya was God. I often spoke with many vairagis to understand Vaishnava dharma. From childhood the seeds of faith for Vaishnava dharma had been planted within my heart and now they had sprouted. I experienced anuraga (spiritual yearning) and day and night I read and thought about Krishna.^[78]

Accepting Chaitanya as the final goal of his intellectual and spiritual quest, Kedarnath started delivering public lectures on his teachings, culminating in his speech The Bhagavat: Its Philosophy, Ethics and Theology – his first public announcement of his newly found religious allegiance.^[59][79] In The Bhagavat, delivered in English but directed at both the Western cultural conquest and the bhadralok that conquest influenced,^[59][80] Kedarantha attempted to reconcile modern thought and Vaishnava orthodoxy and to restore the Bhagavata to its preeminent position in Hindu philosophy.^[59][79] His newfound inspiration in the teachings of Chaitanya and the Bhagavata made Kedarnath receive his next job transfer to Jagannath Puri as a blessing – Puri was Chaitanya's residence for most of his life, and the shelter of the principal Vaishnava shrine, the Temple of Jagannath.^[81]

Following the annexation of the state of Orissa by Britain in 1803, the British force commander in India, Marquess Wellesley, ordered by decree "the utmost degree of accuracy and vigilance" in protecting the security of the Jagannath temple and in respecting religious sentiments of its worshipers.^[82] The policy was followed to the point that the British army escorted Hindu religious processions.^[83] However, under the pressure of Christian missionaries both in India and in Britain, in 1863 this policy was lifted and the temple management entrusted to the care of the local brahmanas, which soon led to its deterioration.^[83]

When Kedarnath was posted to Puri in 1870, he was given the charge to oversee law and order in the pilgrimage site, as well as to provide pilgrims with food, accommodation, and medical assistance on festival occasions.^[84] The government also deputed Kedarnath as a law enforcement officer to thwart the Atibadis, a heterodox Vaishnava sect that conspired to overthrow the British and was led by a self-proclaimed avatar, Bishkishan, a task that Kedarnath accomplished.^[85][86]

However, while busy with governmental assignments, Kedarnath dedicated his off-duty time to nurturing his newly acquired inspiration for Gaudiya Vaishnavism.^[87] He started mastering Sanskrit under the tutelage of local pandits and absorbed himself in intense study of Chaitanya Caritamrita, the Bhagavata Purana with the commentary of Sridhara Svami, and the seminal philosophical treatises of the Gaudiya Vaishnava canon such as the Sat Sandarbhas by Jiva Goswami (c.1513–1598), Bhakti-rasamrta-sindhu by Rupa Goswami (1489–1564), and the Govinda Bhashya commentary by Baladeva Vidyabhushana (?−1768) on the Brahma Sutras.^[59][88][87] Kedarnath also started searching for Gaudiya Vaishnava manuscripts and writing on the subject of Gaudiya Vaishnavism, authoring and publishing Datta-kaustubha and a number of Sanskrit verses, and commenced a major literary work, Krishna-samhita.^[87]

Soon Kedarnath formed a society called Bhagavat Samsad, consisting of the local bhadralok who were eager listen to his exposition of Gaudiya Vaishnavism.^[87][74] This brought him at odds with some pandits of the Mukti Maṇḍapa, who criticised him for lecturing on the Bhāgavata Purāṇa and other Vaishnava topics while lacking a proper Vaishnava initiation, or diksha, the tilak markings, and other devotional insignia.^[89][90][f] Even though Kedarnath was following Gaudiya Vaishnava spiritual discipline like harinama-japa, or chanting the Hare Krishna mantra on beads,^[g] their opposition prompted Kedarnath to aspire to find a diksha-guru and take initiation from him.^[89]

While Kedarnath Datta was able to influence many bhadraloks towards the Gaudiya Vaishnavism taught by Chaitanya, he felt in need of assistance.^[91] When his wife gave birth to a new child, Kedarnath linked the event to a divinatory dream and named his son Bimala Prasad ('"the mercy of Bimala Devi").^[92]

In the 1880s, Kedarnath Datta, out of desire to foster the child's interest in spirituality, initiated him into harinama-japa. At the age of nine Bimala Prasad memorised the seven hundred verses of theBhagavad Gita in Sanskrit.^[93] From his childhood Bimala Prasad demonstrated a sense of moral behavior, intelligence, and an eidetic memory.^[94][95] He gained a reputation for remembering passages from a book on a single reading, and learned enough to compose his own poetry in Sanskrit.^[96] Bhaktisiddhanta's biographers write that even up to his last days Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati could verbatim recall passages from books that he had read in his childhood, earning the epithet "living encyclopedia".^[97][95] Bimala Prasad later became known as Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati.

By the end Kedarnath's tenure in Puri his family had seven children, and his oldest daughter, Saudamani, 10, had to be married; it would be nearly impossible to find a Bengali Kayastha groom for her in Orissa.^[98]Thus, Kedarnath took a three-month privileged leave from his duties and in November 1874 went with his family to Bengal.^[98]

From 1874 till his departure in 1914 Bhaktivinoda wrote philosophical works in Sanskrit and English and devotional songs (bhajans) in simple Bengali.^[116] His bibliography includes over one hundred works, including translations of canonical Gaudiya Vaishnava texts, often with his own commentaries, as well as poems, devotional song books, and essays^{[117][116][118][h]}

Krishna-samhita, published in 1879, was Bhaktivinoda's first major work.^[119][120] The book was intended as a response to criticism of Krishna by Christian missionaries, Brahmo Samaj, and Westernised bhadralok for what they saw as immoral behavior incompatible with his divine status in Hinduism.^[119] In defense of Vaishnavism, Bhaktivinoda's Krishna-samhita employed contemporary archeological, historical data, and theological thought.^[121] In particular, he applied what he termed adhunika-vada ("contemporary thinking") – his methodology of correlating the phenomenal discourse of the scripture with the observable reality.^[80]

In 1880, Bhaktivinoda sent copies of Krishna-samhita to intellectuals of Europe and America.^[122] He received responses from Sanskrit scholar in London, Reinhold Rost, and from Ralph Waldo Emerson.^[123] This has been described as introduction of Chaitanya's theology into the Western world.^[122]

In 1886 Bhaktivinoda published Chaitanya-siksamrita, summarising Chaitanya's teachings and his own socio-religious analysis.^[124][125] He also published his own Bengali translation of the Bhagavad Gitawith commentaries by Visvanatha Chakravarti (ca.1626–1708). He also published Amnaya-sutra,Vaishnava-siddhanta-mala, and Prema-pradipa. He wrote Sanskrit commentaries on the Chaitanya-upanisad and Siksastakam, and wrote a commentary on the Chaitanya-caritamrita (Amrita-pravaha-bhashya - A commentary that showers nectar).^[124]Tattva-viveka, a concise work on higher intelligence in the individual, was published in 1893.^[126]

(left) Bhaktivinoda Thakur's photo with autograph and (right) the first page of his original Svalikhita-jivani. (1896)

In 1896, Bhaktivinoda wrote Jaiva-dharma, using a fictional style of a novel to present Vaishnava teachings through conversations that guide the characters' devotional transformations.^[127]Jaiva-dharma is considered one of the important books in the Gaudiya Vaishnava lineage of Bhaktivinoda. It has been translated into many languages.^[128]

At the request of his son Lalita Prasad, in 1896 Bhaktivinoda wrote a detailed autobiography called Svalikhita-jivani that covered 56 years of his life, from birth up until that time. The work described a life with financial struggle, health issues, internal doubts and insecurity, and introspection that gradually led him to the decision of accepting Chaitanya Mahaprabhu's teachings as his final goal.^[129] The book was published in 1916 after Bhaktivinoda's death.^[130] In the work Bhaktivinoda goes into frank details of his life and inner thoughts, which likely were considered embarrassing by Lalita Prasad who ensured the work had a very limited circulation. The Gaudiya Math in turn also likely intentionally ignored the Svalikhita-jivani due to its mention of Bhaktivinoda's meat-eating, his pre-dīkṣā Vaishnava publications, and early association with the Kartābhajā sect all of which would have weakened Bhaktisiddhanta's campaign against the caste goswamis.^[131][129]

Between 1881 and 1909, Kedarnath published the Bengali journal Sajjana-toshani ("The source of pleasure for devotees"), which he used to propagate Chaitanya's teachings among the bhadralok.^[80] In 1886, in recognition of his theological, philosophical and literary contributions, the Gaudiya Vaishnava community conferred upon him the honorific title of Bhaktivinoda.^[5]

In 1896 another publication of Bhaktivinoda's, a book in English entitled Srimad-Gaurangalila-Smaranamangala, or Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, His life and Precepts, was sent to several academics and libraries in Canada, Britain and Australia.^[107]

In February 2023, a new Bengali edition of the Svalikhita-Jivani, edited by Dr. Santanu Dey, was published jointly by the Bhaktivedanta Research Center and Dey's Publishing.^{[132][133][134]}

Bhaktivinoda composed many devotional songs, or bhajans in Bengali and occasionally in Sanskrit, that were compiled into collections, such as Kalyana-kalpataru (1881), Saranagati (1893), and Gitavali (1893).^[2]

Bhaktivinoda combined the rationalism of 19th century bhadraloka society with older Hindu religiosity using a technique he called ādhunika-vāda ("modern approach"). In the Kr̥ṣṇa-Saṁhitā he considers history to be an evolutionary process, with Hindu and Vaishnava religion culminating in the avatara of Krishna and mādhurya-rasa being the peak form of worship.

Bhaktivinoda categorised spiritual seekers into three kinds: komala-śraddhas, madhyamādhikārīs, and uttamādhikārīs or sāragrāhīs. The komala-śraddhas are simple believers with faith in supernatural stories; madhyamādhikārīs are people driven by logic and rationalism, and he oriented his works toward them using the techniques of ādhunika-vāda, i.e. rational modern scholarship. The uttamādhikārīs or sāragrāhīs can appreciate other theological and philosophical views without losing faith in their own. Bhaktivinoda categorised most pre-modern Hindus as komala-śraddha-s, the bhadraloka as madhyamādhikarīs, and himself and Western scholars like Ralph Waldo Emerson and Reinhold Rost as uttamādhikārīs. Bhaktivinoda's ādhunika-vāda held that phenomenal knowledge (artha-prada) is subject to scrutiny, while transcendental knowledge (paramārtha-prada) is sacrosanct; he rejected traditional claims regarding the Bhāgavata Purāṇa's date of composition, authorship, and infallibility.^[135]

Bhaktivinoda developed a concept called sahaja-samādhi ("natural intuition"), derived from his experiences with Unitarianism and Transcendentalism. It refers to the pure soul's ability to directly perceive and infer divine knowledge beyond the limitations imposed by the mortal body. In the highest form of cognition (nitānta-sahaja-samādhi), a soul devoid of any doubt who rests on faith alone attains "the adoration of Śrī Kr̥ṣṇa in sweetness". Bhaktivinoda considered the direct personal experience of sahaja-samādhi as higher than Hindu religious scripture (śāstra). Due to influence from Unitarian thought, Bhaktivinoda considered the knowledge of scripture to be constrained by historical context, personal bias of its composer and listener, and the limitations of human language. In Bhaktivinoda's theory of religious symbolism, the description of Krishna lila is full of spiritual facsimilies and indicators of spiritual truth, while at the same time being a real historical (and eternal) event. Bhaktivinoda considered material objects in the world to be vikāras or imperfect modification of the perfect world of consciousness. According to Bhaktivinoda, there are three divine energies which combine with secondary energies in order to create the spiritual, soul, and material realities.^[136]

According to Bhaktivinoda, Krishna lila can be perceived by listeners on many levels depending on one's level of spiritual knowledge. People with the lowest level will perceive only the mundane, material aspects while those with greater ability can detect the inherent divine truths of eternal lila. Due to Christian missionary influence on the bhadraloka, there was a strong impulse against image worship; Bhaktivinoda in response asserted the importance of śrī-mūrti ("sacred image") by stating the mind cannot conceive of a formless deity, thus it is acceptable if not better to worship God in a material form using one's senses in order to elicit the greatest love for the divine. Bhaktivinoda affirmed the importance of reciting the names of Krishna, stating that the level of fruits of hearing and reciting those names depend on the spiritual capacity of the listener or speaker.^[137]

Bhaktivinoda, like the Unitarians, believed faith in God to be the natural state of humankind which then becomes obscured by the development of reason and civilisation. Bhaktivinoda stated the best way to cultivate devotion to God was to engage in "hearing, remembrance, and glorification" of divinity as stated in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. Bhaktivinoda states devotional practices (sādhana bhakti) are best taken place in the context of vaijñānika-varṇadharmāśrama ("scientific varṇadharmāśrama"). Bhaktivinoda claimed Vedic society was organised along scientific principles where people belonged to certain varṇas and āśramas based on their individual merits and qualifications; according to Bhaktivinoda this vaijñānika-varṇadharmāśrama system then degraded into the present-day hereditary caste system in India promoted by the Smarta tradition. Bhaktivinoda follows post-Rūpa Gosvāmī theologians in the practice of rāgānugā-bhakti-sādhana; the devotional practice of spontaneity. In rāgānugā-bhakti-sādhana, a devotee assumes an internal identity or siddha deha ("pure body") of a figure in Krishna lila and approximates his or her devotional feelings based on that figure. The practice of rāgānugā-bhakti-sādhana almost always takes place in the form of mañjarī-sādhana, where a devotee assumes a named identity of a ten-to-sixteen year-old cowherd girl in Vraja who abandons her husband to serve and be protected by a specific chief cowherd girl in Krishna lila. Bhaktivinoda differs from traditional methods in allowing the devotee to empirically decide with the guru the appropriate siddha-deha. The devotee then practices aṣṭa-kāliya-līlā-smaraṇa, the recollection and self-participation in the activities of Krishna lila during the eight fixed periods of the day.^[138]

In 1886 Bhaktivinoda attempted to retire from his government service and move to Vrindavan to pursue his devotional life. However, he saw a dream in which Chaitanya ordered him to go to Nabadwip instead.^[139] After some difficulty, in 1887 Bhaktivinoda obtained a transfer to Krishnanagar, a district centre 25 kilometres (16 mi) away from Nabadwip, famous as the birthplace of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu.^[140] Despite poor health, Bhaktivinoda began to regularly visit Nabadwip to research places connected with Chaitanya.^[141] Soon he concluded that the site purported by the locals of Navadwip to be Chaitanya's birthplace could not possibly be genuine.^[142] Determined to find the actual place but frustrated by the lack of reliable evidence and clues, one night he saw a mystical vision:^[143]

By 10 o'clock the night was very dark and cloudy. Across the Ganges in a northern direction I suddenly saw a large building flooded with golden light. I asked Bimala if he could see the building and he said that he could. But my friend Kerani Babu could see nothing. I was amazed. What could it be? In the morning I went back to the roof and looked carefully back across the Ganges. I saw that in the place where I had seen the building was a stand of palm trees. Inquiring about this area I was told that it was the remains of Lakshman Sen's fort at Ballaldighi.^[142]

Taking this as a clue, Bhaktivinoda conducted an investigation of the site by consulting old maps and matching them against scriptural and verbal accounts. He concluded that the village of Ballaldighi was formerly known as Mayapur, confirmed in Bhakti-ratnakara to be the birth site of Chaitanya. Residents of Navadwip angrily rejected Bhaktivinoda's claims and argued that Navadwip was Chaitanya's true birthplace; it is still contested which is the true site.^[144] He soon acquired a property in Surabhi-kunj near Mayapur to oversee construction of a temple at Chaitanya's birthplace.^[8] For this purpose he organised, via Sajjana-tosani and special festivals, as well as personal acquaintances, a successful fundraising effort.^[145] Noted Bengali journalist Sisir Kumar Ghosh (1840–1911) commended Bhaktivinoda for the discovery and hailed him as "the seventh goswami" – a reference to the Six Goswamis, medieval Gaudiya Vaishnava ascetics closely associated with Chaitanya who had authored many of the school's theological texts and discovered places of Krishna's pastimes in Vrindavan.^[146]

Kedarnath started a travelling preaching program in Bengali and Orissan villages that he called nama-hatta, or "the market-place of the name [of Krishna]".^[147] Modelled after the circuit court system, his nama-hatta groups included kirtana parties, distribution of prasada (food offered to Krishna), and lecturers on the teachings of Gaudiya Vaishnavism, travelling from village to village as far as Vrindavan in an organised and systematic way.^[148] The program was a big success, widely popularising the teachings of Chaitanya among the masses as well as attracting a following of high-class patrons.^[149][150] By the beginning of the 20th century Bhaktivinoda had established over five hundred nama-hattas across Bengal.^[151]

Prior to Bhaktivinoda's literary and preaching endeavours, an organised Gaudiya Vaishnava sampradaya (lineage) was nonexistent, as was a single, overarching Gaudiya Vaishnava canon in a codified form. In the absence of such theological and organisational commonality, claims of affiliation with Gaudiya Vaishnavism by individuals and groups were either tenuous, superficial, or unverifiable. Bhaktivinoda Thakur attempted to restore the Chaitanya movement from the motley assortment of sects that it came to be towards the end of the 19th century. He chose his Sajjjana-tosani magazine as the means for this task. Through his articles dealing with the process of initiation and sadhana, through translations of Vaishnava scriptures, and through his commentaries on contemporary issues from a Vaishnava perspective, Bhaktivinoda was gradually establishing, both in the minds of his large audience and in writing,^[i] the foundation for Gaudiya Vaishnava orthodoxy and orthopraxy, or what a Vaishnava is and isn't.^[153]

Gradually Bhaktivinoda directed criticism at various heterodox Vaishnava groups abounding in Bengal that he identified and termed "a-Vaishnava" (non-Vaishnava) and apasampradayas ("deviant lineages"): Aul, Baul, Saina, Darvesa, Sahajiya, smarta brahmanas, etc.^[154][155] Of them, the Vaishnava spin-off groups that presented sexual promiscuity to be a spiritual practice became the target of choice for Bhaktivinoda's especially pointed attacks.^[156] Despite the erotic aspects of rāgānugā-bhakti, Bhaktivinoda vehemently argued against the mundane sexual interpretation of the relationship between Krishna and the gopis as promoted by Vaishnava Sahajiya, which he claimed was totally non-Vaishnava and tarnishing the reputation of Chaitanya Vaishnavism.^[157]

A more tacit but nothing short of uncompromising philosophical assault was directed at the influential jati-gosais (caste goswamis) or mantrācāryas (initiating gurus) and smarta brahmanas who claimed exclusive right to conduct initiations into Gaudiya Vaishnavism on the basis of their hereditary affiliation with Chaitanya's original followers and denied eligibility to do so to non-brahmana Vaishnavas.^[155] Bhaktivinoda claimed that they were negligent gurus who failed to maintain the conduct of their disciples and the disciples themselves failed to assess the worthiness of their guru. Bhaktivinoda believed that varṇa should not be based on birth but instead be determined in childhood by a village committee by looking at the child's temperament and qualifications and then reviewing the varṇa decision after a two-year trial period. While Bhaktivinoda complained against the current caste system in his writing, he never took action against it during his lifetime, likely due to his preferred focus on mañjarī-sādhana and his social status as a government magistrate and family-man. In 1911, Bhaktivinoda asked his son Bhaktisiddhanta to represent him at the Brāhmaṇa o Vaiṣṇava (Brahmana and Vaishnava) debate in Balighai, Midnapore, where Bhaktisiddhanta argued that, according to Vaishnava texts, spiritual qualification is based on initiation and practice rather than caste birth.^{[158][159][157]}