サウジアラビアの外交関係は、サウジアラビアと世界各国との外交および貿易関係である。サウジアラビアの外交政策は、石油輸出湾岸諸国との協力、アラブ世界の統一、イスラムの結束、国連への支援に重点を置いている。[1]実際には、近年の主な懸念は、米国との関係、イエメンへのサウジアラビア主導の介入、イスラエルとパレスチナの紛争、イラク、イラン・イスラム共和国からの脅威の認識、および石油価格の影響であった。サウジアラビアはイスラム諸国に多額の開発援助を行っている。1986年から2006年まで、同国は490億ポンドの援助を行った。[2] [3] [4]
サウジアラビアは非同盟運動のメンバーであるが、米国と連携し、エジプト、ヨルダン、ペルシャ湾岸のアラブ諸国で構成されるアラブ諸国の「親欧米陣営」を率いると言われている。サウジアラビアと米国は緊密な戦略的同盟国でありパートナーである。しかし、オバマ政権の最後の数年間、両国の関係は一定の衰退を経験したものの、サウジ王室と緊密な関係を築いたドナルド・トランプ大統領の選出後に強化された。 [5] [6] [7] [8]スンニ派イスラム教はサウジアラビアの主要な宗教である。[9] [10] 中国とサウジアラビアは主要な同盟国であり、両国の関係はここ数十年で大幅に成長している。[11]サウジアラビア人の大多数は中国に対して好意的な見方を表明している。[12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17]
OPECの創設メンバーとして、サウジアラビアの長期的な原油価格政策は、価格を安定的かつ適度に保つことであった。つまり、多額の収入を得られる程度には高く、しかし石油輸入国に代替エネルギー源を奨励するほど高くはなく、また、サウジアラビアの金融資産の多くが所在し、サウジアラビア政府に政治的および軍事的支援を提供している西側諸国の経済を危険にさらすほど高くはない。[10]この政策に対する大きな例外は、1973年の石油危機のときに起こった。サウジアラビアは他のアラブ石油国とともに、石油供給の禁輸措置を利用して、米国にイスラエルへの支援をやめるよう圧力をかけた。[18]
サウジアラビアは、石油輸出国機構(OPEC)、国連、アラブ連盟など、いくつかの多国籍組織の創立メンバーである。また、湾岸協力会議、イスラム世界連盟、イスラム協力機構、イスラム開発銀行の創立メンバーでもあり、いずれもサウジアラビアに本部を置いている。同国は国際通貨基金(IMF )や世界銀行でも重要な役割を果たしており、2005年には世界貿易機関(WTO)に加盟した。
UCLAのジェームズ・L・ゲルビン教授によると、サウジアラビアは最近、アラブの春、オバマ政権の政策、そして2010年代半ばの原油価格の暴落により、外交・安全保障政策の面で非常に積極的になっているという。[19]
歴史
第二次世界大戦(1939年 - 1945年)後および冷戦( 1947年頃- 1991年)の間、サウジアラビアは反共産主義、反世俗主義のアラブ民族主義政策を維持し、主要な反共産主義大国である米国としばしば協力した。1973年の石油危機後、サウジアラビアと他のアラブの石油輸出国は、イスラエルを支援した米国とその同盟国に禁輸措置を取ったため、石油収入は劇的に増加し、王国は主要なイスラム国家となるために尽力し、イスラム教、特にその保守派(ワッハーブ派として知られる)の発展に惜しみない資金を費やした。支持者はこれがイスラム教の信仰を純粋化し統一したと見なしているが、他の評論家はそれが地域のイスラム文化を侵食したと主張している。 (サウジアラビアの援助による文化同化効果の例は、インドネシアのミナンカバウ族やアチェ族、モルディブの人々の間にも見られる。[20] [21] [22] [23]ワッハーブ派のイスラム教も、西洋ではイスラム過激主義の源泉とみなされている。[24] [25]

サウジアラビアとその石油政策は、1980年代後半から1990年代初頭にかけてのソビエト共産主義の崩壊以前の冷戦の代理戦争において重要な要因であった。サウジアラビアは、アフガニスタンの ムジャヒディーンだけでなく、非イスラム教徒の反共産主義者にも資金援助した。また、1980年代を通じて石油価格を安定させることで、ソビエト共産主義の大義に深刻な打撃を与えた。「ちょうどロシアがアメリカの軍事費の大幅な増加に対応するために必死になってエネルギーを売っていた時期だった」[26]
1995年にファハド国王が脳卒中で倒れた後、当時皇太子だったアブドラが外交政策の責任を引き継いだ。アブドラが自身の政策とファハド国王の不評な親欧米政策との間に距離を置こうとしたことで、米国とサウジの関係に著しい変化が起きた。アブドラは米国からより独立した路線を取り、特にイランとの地域関係の改善に力を注いだ。サウジとイエメンの国境の大幅な再編など、長年の国境紛争のいくつかは解決した。この新しいアプローチの結果、米国との関係はますます緊張した。[9]それにもかかわらず、米国とサウジアラビアは緊密な関係を保った。1998年、アブドラはワシントンを公式訪問し、米国のビル・クリントン大統領と会談した。
2003年、アブドラ国王の新しい政策は、サウジ政府が米国主導のイラク侵攻への支援や参加を拒否したことに反映された。一部の米国の批評家は、これをサウジ王室による同国のイスラム過激派をなだめる試みとみなした。同年、サウジと米国の政府当局者は、米軍のサウジ領土からの撤退に合意した。即位後、アブドラ国王(在位 2005-2015年)はより積極的な外交政策をとり、サウジアラビアで不評な米国の政策(例えば、新イラク政府を支援する物質的支援の提供拒否)に抵抗し続けた。[9] [27]しかし、米国と同様に、イランに対する恐怖と不信がますますサウジの政策の重要な要素となっていった。 2010年に漏洩した外交電報により、アブドラ国王が米国に対し「蛇の頭を切り落とす」ためにイランを攻撃するよう促していたことが明らかになった。[28]サウジアラビアは以前から米国との同盟関係を中東におけるイランの影響力への対抗手段として利用しており、サウジアラビアとペルシャ湾岸の他のアラブ諸国はイランに対する保護を米国に求めてきた。
サウジアラビアが世界中でイスラム過激派テロ活動の源泉となっているという事実により、米国や他の西側諸国との関係はさらに緊張した。オサマ・ビン・ラディンと9月11日のテロ攻撃のハイジャック犯19人のうち15人はサウジアラビア国籍だったが、一部の当局者はビン・ラディンが米国とサウジアラビアの関係を緊張させるために故意に計画したと主張している。 [29]また、元中央情報局長官ジェームズ・ウールジーはサウジアラビアのワッハーブ主義を「アルカイダとその姉妹テロ組織が繁栄している土壌」と表現した。 [24]米国政府の一部[誰? ]はまた、王室がワッハーブ派の聖職者との長く親密な関係を通じてアルカイダのような過激派グループの成長の基盤を築き、攻撃後、過激派の追跡や将来の残虐行為の防止にほとんど貢献しなかったと考えている。[9]
2009年のアラブ連盟首脳会議で発表されたように、サウジアラビアは2015年に設立されるアラブ関税同盟と2020年までに設立されるアラブ共同市場に参加する意向だった。[10] [30]
2011年初頭にアラブ世界に影響を与えた抗議活動と革命の波を受けて、サウジアラビアはチュニジアの退任したベン・アリ大統領に亡命を申し出、アブドラ国王はエジプトのホスニ・ムバラク大統領(ムバラク大統領の退任前)に電話をかけ、支援を申し出た。[31]
サウジアラビア軍とその同盟国は、 2015年3月以降、 イエメン(サウジアラビアの南の国境)での紛争に巻き込まれた。
イスラム教
フランクフルト・ゲーテ大学のFFGIによれば、ワッハーブ主義の思想は世界中に広まっており、イスラム世界連盟(WML)や世界イスラム青年協会などサウジアラビア政府と密接な関係にある組織が積極的に参加している。[32]
1970年代半ばから2002年まで、サウジアラビアは「海外開発援助」に700億ドル以上を費やした。しかし、その大半は実際には他のイスラム教を犠牲にしてワッハーブ主義の普及と影響力拡大に費やされたという証拠がある。 [33] 2002年の政府系新聞アイン・アル・ヤキーンの記事によると、サウジアラビア政府が後援するプロジェクトは、ヨーロッパ、南北アメリカ、アフリカ、オーストラリア、アジアの非イスラム諸国で活発に行われていた。これらには、サウジアラビア王国が全額または一部を資金提供した210のイスラムセンター、1500のモスク、202の大学、約2000の学校が含まれていた。サウド家はヨーロッパで1359のモスクを開設した。[32]
2019年2月、サウジアラビアのムハンマド・ビン・サルマン皇太子は、「中国は国家安全保障のために反テロと絶滅撤廃活動を行う権利がある」と述べ、新疆のイスラム教徒再教育キャンプを擁護した。 [34] [35] [36]中国は最大200万人のイスラム教徒を強制収容所に投獄し、虐待や拷問を受けているとされている。[36] [37]
国交
サウジアラビアが外交関係を維持している国のリスト:
サウジアラビアは、以下の3つの国連加盟国と外交関係を維持していません。
オセアニア/太平洋諸島 -国連加盟国1か国
アジア -国連加盟国2か国
二国間関係
アフリカ
アメリカ大陸
アジア
Europe
Oceania
Public relations and propaganda
The reputation of Saudi Arabia in the West has always been controversial due to its record of human rights abuses and the Saudi involvement in the Yemen civil war.
The United Kingdom and United States have become a major centre for public relations (PR) supporting the Saudi regime. Lina Khatib, head of the Middle East and north Africa programme at Chatham House, said that Saudi Arabia had embarked upon a "wide-ranging PR campaign focused on the UK and the US" since 2016, which involved English-language content targeting a British audience. This PR, linked with the support of Theresa May in arms sales during the war in Yemen. In the UK, media PR depicted Mohammed bin Salman as a reforming prince, and major newspapers ran adverts promoting Bin Salman's 'reform agenda'.[273][274]
This image has been undermined by disappearance and apparent Saudi state-sanctioned murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi.[273][274] Following these allegations, US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo said, "We call on the government of Saudi Arabia to support a thorough investigation of Mr Khashoggi's disappearance and to be transparent about the results of that investigation"[275] and a UK Foreign Office spokesman said, "These are extremely serious allegations. We are aware of the latest reports and are working urgently to establish the facts, including with the government of Saudi Arabia." France also sought an explanation as to how an "accomplished and esteemed" journalist such as Khashoggi vanished.[276]
Following the murder of Khashoggi, Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel halted the sale of weapons to Saudi. A non-binding resolution was also voted in the European Parliament to "impose an EU-wide arms embargo on Saudi Arabia". Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau threatened to cancel a multimillion-dollar defence contract amidst the Khashoggi controversy.[277]
Consulum, a London-based PR firm primarily staffed by former Bell Pottinger employees, has worked on communications programmes with the Saudi Arabian government and PR firm Freud Communications, which has worked with the kingdom in propagating the Saudi Vision 2030 relaunch under Bin Salman, distanced itself from the regime following the disappearance of Khashoggi. Pagefield Global Counsel and Kekst CNC (a London division of French PR company Publicis) have said that they previously worked with the regime but no longer work in Saudi Arabia.
A number of media companies that have worked with the Saudi state to promote its overseas image. Bin Salman met Vice Media founder Shane Smith in early 2018 on his tour of the US, and Vice has had a team promoting the country with the Saudi Research and Marketing Group (SRMG), a Saudi regime-affiliated publishing group and 'organ of soft power'. SMRG has signed a deal with The Independent to launch foreign-language websites (including Arabic) across the Middle East, which has led to concern over potential editorial influence by the Saudi publisher. SMRG also donates to the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change to facilitate Tony Blair's work on the Saudi modernisation programme.[273][274]
According to a FARA eFile document filed with the US Department of Justice, the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington, D.C., hired an ex-top lobbyist of the Heritage Foundation for a brief legislative push before the inauguration of 2020 President-elect Joe Biden and his administration. The contract with Off Hill Strategies worth $25,000-per-month was effective from 19 October 2020 through 18 January 2021, two days before the inauguration of President Biden. As per the filing, the PR firm was tasked with serving "federal legislative advocacy and related services to support the Embassy's congressional outreach efforts and further advance bilateral ties between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States." During the primary debate of 2019, Biden was quoted as calling Saudi Arabia a "pariah" and promising to end the US arms sales to Riyadh following its alleged use in the Saudi-led coalition's war in Yemen that has resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians. Off Hill Strategies has been called the Saudi embassy's first hiring in 2020.[278][279]
International organization participation
Saudi Arabia is a member of the ABEDA, AfDB, AFESD, AL, AMF, BIS, ESCWA, FAO, G-20, G-77, GCC, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, International Maritime Organization, Inmarsat, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, ISO, ITU, NAM, OAPEC, OAS (observer), OIC, OPCW, OPEC, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UPU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, and WTrO.
See also
- Index of Saudi Arabia–related articles
- Iran-Arab Relations (Saudi Arabia)
- List of diplomatic missions in Saudi Arabia
- List of diplomatic missions of Saudi Arabia
- Territorial disputes in the Persian Gulf
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- ^ "Saudis pick up former Heritage Foundation lobbyist for pre-inauguration push". Foreign Lobby. 17 November 2020. Retrieved 17 November 2020.
- ^ "FARA Document of the Embassy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Hiring Off Hill Strategies LLC" (PDF). The United States Department of Justice. Retrieved 13 November 2020.
Sources
- Seok, Hyunho (1991), "Korean migrant workers to the Middle East", in Gunatilleke, Godfrey (ed.), Migration to the Arab World: Experience of Returning Migrants, United Nations University Press, pp. 56–103, ISBN 978-92-808-0745-5
Further reading
- Klare, Michael (2004). Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America's Growing Petroleum Dependency. New York: Metropolitan. ISBN 0-8050-7313-2.
- Jones, John Paul (2007). If Olaya Street Could Talk: Saudi Arabia- The Heartland of Oil and Islam. The Taza Press. ISBN 978-0-9790436-0-4.
External links
- Ministry of Foreign Affairs
- Our enemies, the Saudis. United States relations with Saudi Arabia by Victor Davis Hanson, originally published in Commentary, June 2002.
- Saudi Arabia: 14-Year-Old Boy Faces Execution from Human Rights Watch 27 October 2005.
- Saudi Arabia to host Israel boycott event[dead link] by Michael Freund, published in the Jerusalem Post, 7 March 2006
- Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington, D.C.
- Embassy of the United States in Riyadh
- Saudi-U.S. Alignment after the Six Day War
- サウジアラビアとイスラエルの取引(トーマス・L・フリードマンによる意見コラム)
