V2の語順

V2原則は、有限動詞の位置のみを規定し、非有限動詞（不定詞、分詞など）への影響は間接的です。V2言語における非有限動詞の位置は、言語によって異なります。例えば、ドイツ語とオランダ語では、非有限動詞は主節の節末位置（OV順）で目的語（存在する場合）の後に現れます。一方、スウェーデン語とアイスランド語では、非有限動詞は有限動詞の後、目的語（存在する場合）の前に現れます（VO順）。つまり、V2原則は有限動詞のみに作用するのです。

（以下の例では、動詞の定形は太字、非定形は斜体、主語は下線で示されています。）

ゲルマン語派は、埋め込み節におけるV2語順の適用において多様であり、3つのグループに分類される。

主節 前置動詞 定形動詞 主語 文副詞 __ 非定形動詞 目的語 副詞句 埋め込み節 __ 接続詞 主語 文副詞 定形動詞 非定形動詞 目的語 副詞句 主節 (a) 今日は ロッテ に 新聞 を読まないでほしいと思った 「ロッテは今日は新聞を読みたくなかった。」 埋め込み条項 (b) att ロッテ インテ ヴィル コカ カフェ イ ダグ ロッテは 今日コーヒーを淹れたくない 「ロッテは今日はコーヒーを入れたくなかったんだ。」

接続詞の後にV2が続く埋め込み節の一種は、ゲルマン語派全体に見られるが、言語によって頻度に差がある。これらは根節と呼ばれ、宣言的な内容節であり、いわゆるブリッジ動詞の直接目的語であり、文を引用するものとして理解される。そのため、直接引用の場合と同様にV2の語順を示す。

デンマーク語 では、主題以外の項目は先頭に表示してもよい。

スウェーデン 語では、主語以外の項目が文頭に置かれることが時折認められる。一般的に、その文は話し手が同意する内容でなければならない。

発言者が同意しない内容については、この命令は適用できません。

ノルウェー語

ドイツ語の語幹節のV2語順は、接続詞dass が省略された 場合にのみ可能です。このような場合、動詞の形が直説法と明確に区​​別できる場合は、形式的な用法では動詞を現在接続法（ドイツ語接続法I）に置きます。区別できない場合は、過去接続法（ドイツ語接続法II）を使用します。

対照的に、一人称主語が埋め込まれた形式では、現在直説法と接続法が同じように見えるため、通常は過去接続法が使用されます。Er behauptet, ich hätte (instead of habe ) es zur Post gebracht.

dass の後の通常の embed-clause の順序を比較してください

英語と同様の特定の語用論的効果のために動詞の埋め込み移動を可能にするV2言語は限られています。これは話者の視点によるものです。ドイツ語やスウェーデン語などの言語には動詞の埋め込みがあります。これらの言語における動詞の埋め込みは、通常「橋渡し動詞」の後に現れます。^{[ 11 ]}

（ブリッジ動詞とは、「言う」「考える」「知る」など、会話や思考を表す一般的な動詞のことで、これらの動詞の後には「that」は必要ありません。例：I think he is coming.）

主張理論に基づくと、埋め込みV2節では話し手の視点が再確認される。埋め込み節におけるV2に対する話し手のコミットメントや責任感は、埋め込み節にV2がない場合よりも大きい。^{[ 12 ]}これはV2の特性の結果である。以下の例に示すように、V2が存在する場合、埋め込み節の真実性に対するコミットメントは大きくなる。

V1（動詞先行語順）とは、定形動詞が節の先頭要素として含まれる構造の一種です。つまり、動詞が文の主語と目的語の前に現れます。

 (a) Max y-il [ s no' tx;i;] [ o naq Lwin]。 (マヤ語) PFV A3-CLF犬CLFペドロを参照 「犬はペドロを見た。」

V3（動詞-3番目の語順）は、V2の変形であり、有限動詞が3番目の位置にあり、その前に2つの構成要素がある。^{[ 13 ]}

V3では、V2の語順と同様に、有限動詞の前に来る構成要素はカテゴリー的に制限されておらず、DP、PP、CPなどになり得る。^{[ 14 ]}

これらの例では、動詞の定形は緑色、非定形はオレンジ色、主語は青色で示されています。

As in earlier periods, Modern English normally has subject-verb order in declarative clauses and inverted verb-subject order^[19] in interrogative clauses. However these norms are observed irrespective of the number of clause elements preceding the verb.

Similarly to Modern French, Old French allows a range of constituents to precede the finite verb in the V2 position.

A language that is compared to Old French is Old Occitan, which is said to be the sister of Old French. Although the two languages are thought to be sister languages, Old Occitan exhibits a relaxed V2 whereas Old French has a much more strict V2. However, the differences between the two languages extend past V2 and also differ in a variation of V2, which is V3. In both language varieties, occurrence of V3 can be triggered by the presence of an initial frame-setting clause or adverbial (1).

In his 1976 three-volume study of two languages of Himachal Pradesh, Hendriksen reports on two intermediate cases: Kotgarhi and Kochi. Although neither language shows a regular V2 pattern, they have evolved to the point that main and subordinate clauses differ in word order and auxiliaries may separate from other parts of the verb:

Hendriksen reports that relative clauses in Kochi show a greater tendency to have the finite verbal element in clause-final position than matrix clauses do (III:188).

In Ingush, "for main clauses, other than episode-initial and other all-new ones, verb-second order is most common. The verb, or the finite part of a compound verb or analytic tense form (i.e. the light verb or the auxiliary), follows the first word or phrase in the clause."^[22]

O'odham has relatively free V2 word order within clauses; for example, all of the following sentences mean "the boy brands the pig":^[23]

 ceoj ʼo g ko:jĭ ceposid ko:jĭ ʼo g ceoj ceposid ceoj ʼoceposid g ko:jĭ ko:jĭ ʼoceposid g ceoj ceposidʼo g ceoj g ko:jĭ ceposidʼo g ko:jĭ g ceoj

The finite verb is "'o" and appears after a constituent in the second position.

Despite the general freedom of sentence word order, O'odham is fairly strictly V2 in its placement of the auxiliary verb (in the sentences above, it is ʼo; in the sentences below, it is ʼañ):

 Affirmative: cipkanʼañ = "I am working" Negative: pi ʼañcipkan = "I am not working" [not *pi cipkanʼañ]

Among dialects of the Romansh, V2 word order is limited to Sursilvan, the insertion of entire phrases between auxiliary verbs and participles occurs, as in 'Cun Mariano Tschuor ha Augustin Beeli discurriu ' ('Mariano Tschuor has spoken with Augustin Beeli'), as compared to Engadinese 'Cun Rudolf Gasser hadiscurrü Gion Peider Mischol' ('Rudolf Gasser has spoken with Gion Peider Mischol'.)^[24]

The constituent that is bounded by the auxiliary, ha, and the participle, discurriu, is known as a Satzklammer or 'verbal bracket'.

In Estonian, V2 is the norm in main clauses in the literate register, as illustrated in (1).

However, there are frequent deviations from V2 in the spoken register. Even in the written register, V2 does not apply to embedded clauses. In addition, Estonian differs from Germanic V2 languages in not using V2 in certain main clauses such as wh-interrogatives (2), exclamatives (3), and non-subject-initial negative clauses (4).^[25]

In Welsh, V2 word order is found in Middle Welsh but not in Old and Modern Welsh, which have only verb-initial order.^[26] Middle Welsh displays three characteristics of V2 grammar:

 (1) A finite verb in the C-domain (2) The constituent preceding the verb can be any constituent (often driven by pragmatic features). (3) Only one constituent preceding the verb in subject position

As can be seen in the following examples of V2 in Welsh, there is only one constituent preceding the finite verb, but any kind of constituent (such as a noun phrase NP, adverb phrase AP and preposition phrase PP) can occur in this position.

Middle Welsh can also exhibit variations of V2 such as cases of V1 (verb-initial word order) and V3 orders. However, these variations are restricted to specific contexts, such as in sentences with impersonal verbs, imperatives, answers or direct responses to questions or commands and idiomatic sayings. A preverbal particle can also precede the verb in V2, but such sentences are limited as well.

Wymysorys is classified as a West Germanic language but can exhibit various Slavonic characteristics. It is argued that Wymysorys enables its speaker to operate between two word order system, which represent both forces driving its grammar: Germanic and Slavonic. The Germanic system is not as flexible and allows for V2 to exist in it form, but the Slavonic system is relatively free. The rigid word order in the Germanic system causes the placement of the verb to be determined by syntactic rules in which V2 is commonly respected.^[27]

Wymysorys, like with other languages that exhibit V2, has the finite verb in second position, and a constituent of any category precedes the verb such as DP, PP, AP and so on.

V2 word order existed in Classical Portuguese much longer than in other Romance languages. Although Classical Portuguese was a V2 language, V1 occurred more frequently and so it is argued whether or not Classical Portuguese really is a V2-like language. However, Classical Portuguese was a relaxed V2 language, and V2 co-exist with its variations: V1 and V3. Classical Portuguese had a strong relationship between V1 and V2 since V2 clauses were derived from V1 clauses.

In languages where both V1 and V2 exist, both patterns depend on the movement of the verb to a high position of the CP layer. The difference is whether or not a phrase is moved to a preverbal position.^[28]

Although V1 occurred more frequently in Classical Portuguese, V2 was more frequently found in matrix clauses. Post-verbal subjects could also occupy a high position in the clause and precede VP adverbs. In (1) and (2), it can be seen that the adverb 'bem' could be before or after the post-verbal subject.

In (2), the post-verbal subject is understood as an informational focus, but the same cannot be said for (1) because the different positions determine how the subject is interpreted.

Dependency grammar (DG) can accommodate the V2 phenomenon simply by stipulating that one and only one constituent must be a predependent of the finite verb (i.e. a dependent which precedes its head) in declarative (matrix) clauses (in this, Dependency Grammar assumes only one clausal level and one position of the verb, instead of a distinction between a VP-internal and a higher clausal position of the verb as in Generative Grammar, cf. the next section).^[29] On this account, the V2 principle is violated if the finite verb has more than one predependent or no predependent at all. The following DG structures of the first four German sentences above illustrate the analysis (the sentence means 'The kids play soccer in the park before school'):

The finite verb spielen is the root of all clause structure. The V2 principle requires that this root have a single predependent, which it does in each of the four sentences.

The four English sentences above involving the V2 phenomenon receive the following analyses:

In the theory of Generative Grammar, the verb second phenomenon has been described as an application of X-bar theory. The combination of a first position for a phrase and a second position for a single verb has been identified as the combination of specifier and head of a phrase. The part after the finite verb is then the complement. While the sentence structure of English is usually analysed in terms of three levels, CP, IP, and VP, in German linguistics the consensus has emerged that there is no IP in German.^[30]

The VP (verb phrase) structure assigns position and functions to the arguments of the verb. Hence, this structure is shaped by the grammatical properties of the V (verb) which heads the structure. The CP (complementizer phrase) structure incorporates the grammatical information which identifies the clause as declarative or interrogative, main or embedded. The structure is shaped by the abstract C (complementiser) which is considered the head of the structure. In embedded clauses the C position accommodates complementizers. In German declarative main clauses, C hosts the finite verb. Thus the V2 structure is analysed as

1 Topic element (specifier of CP)

2 Finite-verb form (C=head of CP) i.e. verb-second

3 Remainder of the clause

In embedded clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer. In most Germanic languages (but not in Icelandic or Yiddish), this generally prevents the finite verb from moving to C.

The structure is analysed as

1 Complementizer (C=head of CP)

2 Bulk of clause (VP), including, in German, the subject.

3 Finite verb (V position)

This analysis does not provide a structure for the instances in some language of root clauses after bridge verbs.

Example: Danish Vi ved at denne bog har Bo ikke læst with the object of the embedded clause fronted.

(Literally 'We know that this book has Bo not read')

The solution is to allow verbs such as ved to accept a clause with a second (recursive) CP.^[31]

The complementizer occupies C position in the upper CP.

The finite verb moves to the C position in the lower CP.